Friday, October 26, 2012

26/10/2012: Retail Sales in September


In the last few days we have been treated to a barrage of the 'sell-side research notes' extolling the virtues of Ireland's economic 'comeback'. Property markets are now, allegedly, on the mend (never mind, the 'mending' bit is just about sizable enough to matter statistically and economically returns property valuations to... err... April 2012 levels). Unmeasurable 'investor confidence' is back at play - never mind that 'investors' are really a handful of buyers of the Irish Government bonds, usually with maturity range well within the cover by the Troika / ESM. Latest twist - cheerful analysis of the Retail Sales data. One note I received on today's Retail Sales figures for September 2012 was issued minutes after CSO published the data, suggesting that the author had absolutely no referencing to actual data published, but simply plucked headlines and strung them up into an analysis.

Having done some more sober analysis of the house prices data (see here), let's take a look at the Retail Sales data.

Value Index:

Core retail sales (ex-motors) value index rose (preliminary estimate - so subject to future revisions) in September to 96.5 from 96 in August. The index is now 2.88% ahead of where it was three months ago in June 2012. Month on month the index is up 0.52%, or statistically indifferent from zero increase. Current level of activity is comparable to May 2012 hen the index stood at 96.4. Year on year index is up 2.22%.

More dynamics in Value Index:

  • Q3 2012 average index reading was 96.0 against the previous quarter average of 95.1 (+0.91%).
  • In September, rate of growth in retails sales value actually declined: in June m/m rate of growth was -2.7% due to poor weather, this was reversed partially in July with a m/m rise of 1.8%. Since July, growth rate fell to 0.6% m/m in August and to 0.5% in September. This is hardly the 'good news'. 
  • Y/y growth rate in September (+2.2%) was robust, but it is driven more by a contraction in sales in August and September 2011 than by an expansion of sales in September this year.
  • Overall, core driver for July performance that determined Q3 results is the rapid fall off in Value of sales in June, not a robust growth in August and September.
  • 6mo average through September is now at 95.6 which is only 0.7% ahead of 6mo average through March 2012. September reading is below 2010-2011 average by 0.13% and is down on crisis period average by 4.9%.
Volume Index:

Core retail sales Volume Index rose from 99.2 in August to 99.8 in September, up 0.6% m/m and 1.42% y/y. The index is now 1.84% ahead of where it was at the end of Q2 2012.

Dynamics in  Volume Index:
  • Q3 2012 average index was 99.4 up on 98.6 for Q2 (+0.81%), so volume performance here is even less impressive than already underwhelming performance for Value index.
  • 6mo average through September is 99.0 against 99.3 in 6 months through March, meaning that on half-yearly basis we are still under water.
  • In 2010-2011 the Volume index averaged 101.24 against Q3 2012 average of 99.4. Make your own conclusions here. During the whole crisis, the index averaged 103.66, which means that September index is 3.73% below the crisis period average.

Now charts:


Now, onto my own index: the Retail Sector Activity Index:


Driven by a combination of weak increases in actual volume and value indices and a substantial drop off in consumer confidence (which fell from 70.0 in August to 60.2 in September), the RSA Index has fallen from 110.11 in August to 106.8 in September. During the current crisis, my RSA Index lagged 1 month actually has much stronger correlation (and positive) with retail sales volume and value (ca 83-84%) than consumer confidence (which has a negative and weak correlation with both value and volume indices - ca -30-34%). Hence it acts as a better predictor of the forthcoming activity. The RSAI is now down m/m, but is up y/y and Q3 average is up on Q2 average. 

This means that I can't call the new trend confirmation on the basis of positive monthly rises in Q3 2012 nor can I call the return of the downward trend. Put differently, real data suggests that things are bouncing along flat trend so far. Unlike the claims by some Irish 'analysts' who see "solid retail sales" data.


26/10/2012: Few interesting links

Some links on recent studies of interest

Two hugely important studies from the Kauffman Foundation on the role of immigration in entrepreneurship and human capital as a driver of future economic growth.

Iceland's assessment of financial stability for 2012 Q1 covering in detail household debt dynamics (from page 23) and detailing the success of the Iceland's systemic debt restructuring arrangements.


Thursday, October 25, 2012

25/10/2012: IFS Roundtable: November 1


I will be chairing an industry roundtable on disruptive innovation in international financial services on November 1, 2012. Details:


25/10/2012: Signs of Life or a Dead-Cat Bounce : RPPI September 2012


With some delay an update on the latest data from the Residential Property Price Index for Ireland and some longer-range thoughts on property prices direction.

First top level data:

Headline RPPI has risen from 64.2 in August to 65.8 in September (+0.92% m/m). The index is still down 9.62% y/y.

  • This marks a third consecutive month of index increases (July +0.15%, August +0.46%) and over the last 3 months cumulative index gains were 1.54% (annualised rate of growth of 6.32%). This is one headline  you keep hearing. However, last 6 months cumulative change in the RPPI is still negative at -0.45% (annualized rate of growth of -0.91%).
  • What you don't hear about is that August rise was the first statistically significant increase in the index since February 2007 (in m/m terms) and the largest monthly rise since then (in February 2007 index rose 0.935% m/m). In general, irish statistical releases do not provide analysis of statistical significance of changes. Yet, the lack of statistical significance in previous monthly increases is precisely the reason why I am hesitant in calling the trend reversal (on dynamics - for fundamentals, see below).
  • Year on year September showing (-9.62%) is the best since October 2008 when y/y change was 9.53%. This too is a decent sign. However, it is statistically in-distinguishable from the crisis period average of -12.95%. Which is exactly the point of dynamics - while three months of slight increases is a good sign, it is still fragile to establish a trend reversal formally.
  • The index is now 49.58% off the peak, so overall prices have roughly returned to the level where they were... err... in March-April 2012. With all the hoopla of the 'stabilisation' and 'price increases' over the last 3 months, all we've regained in terms of prices is roughly-speaking 5 months worth of prices. Three steps forward, two steps back market is only as good as the pattern repeats, like, 10 times or so?



Dublin trends: RPPI for Dublin rose to 58.7 in September from 57.3 in August (+2.44% m/m) but is still down 9.83% y/y. The dynamics for Dublin prices imply 3mo cumulative rise in prices of 1.56% (+6.38% annualized) and 1.21% cumulated increase in 6 months (annualized +2.43%). It is clear that Dublin prices drive national trends and that in dynamic terms, Dublin prices are pretty much in the very same shape as national prices.
  • Just as with national prices, Dublin prices m/m increase in September was the first statistically significant rise for the entire period of the crisis. This is good. 
  • Dublin prices currently stand at the levels comparable to December 2011-January 2012, which is marginally better than the prices levels nationwide.
  • Of course, Dublin prices have fallen to 56.36% of their peak (at the trough level, the decline was 57.40%).
  • However, dublin price increase in m/m terms in September is the first monthly increase and can probably be explained by a number of one-off factors (see fundamentals discussion below).

Overall, my conclusion is that there is a welcome tentative sign of stabilization in the national house prices trend, but it is too early to call a reversal of the trend to rising prices.

The risk is still exceptionally heavily weighted to the continued decline in Irish property prices for a number of fundamental reasons:
  1. In my opinion, August-September figures, and likely the rest of the year figures are skewed by a number of one-off factors: eminent expiration of interest relief measures, comes January 2013, build up of demand during the rain-soaked summer when house-viewing was outright an occupation for the brave, a number of larger auctions coming through both brining in some supply to the market and generating a bit of a hype in the media.
  2. In 2013 we can expect serious pressure on the market rising from such longer term factors as:
  • Budget 2013 income and indirect tax changes that will reduce further purchasing power of Irish households;
  • Budget 2013 changes in relation to property taxation;
  • Continued increases in mortgage rates charged by the banks compounding after-tax income decreases to be delivered by the Budget;
  • Gradual acceleration of foreclosures during the second half of 2013 as Personal Insolvencies Bill  starts to bind;
  • Potential changes to pensions funding reliefs resulting in a last-minute rush to recap pensions in anticipation of future changes which wil act to reduce funds available for purchases;
  • Reductions in the deposit rates in the banks will lead to a gradual shifting of savings out of cash deposits into pensions and investment products (this factor can also provide some relief to the property markets, although this support is likely to be more fragile than property agents and mortgages brokers might suggest)
  • Yields can significantly decline if/when buy-to-let properties start flooding the markets (my expectation - late 2013-early 2014).
None of the above prices the risk of further economic deterioration. Yet, as today's Troika statement clearly suggests, we are likely to witness declines in real GNP this year and next - which will do nothing to support price appreciation in the property markets.

I am currently reworking my 2012-2013 forecasts for the property prices in Ireland, so stay tuned for the updates.

25/10/2012: My notes for the interview on Troika review


Here is transcript of my interview on today's radio programme covering the Troika review of Ireland - warning: unedited material. Italics denote quotes from the Troika statement.



Unfortunately, Ireland's recovery will not be achieved or even started by the exit from Troika funding program. For a number of reasons, conveniently omitted by Minister Noonan, but some of these are hinted at in the Troika assessment:

1) Real recovery will require dealing with private (household) debts. This is not happening and Troika review, as well as increasingly frustrated tone coming from our own Central Bank clearly show that. 
Once Ireland exits the bailout, we will have to fund our Exchequer debt repayments and reduced deficits via borrowing in the private markets. It might be that we will be able to fund ourselves at lower cost than currently, but the cost is likely to be still above that obtainable via ESM or Troika. This means more resources will be sucked out of the weak economy, further reducing the pace of private economy deleveraging. In other words, exit from the bailout will likely make it harder for the economy to recover.

2) Real recovery will require economic activity to start picking up in terms of private domestic investment, household spending, expanded activities by our own firms, not MNCs in exporting. All of this requires credit, it also requires disposable income.  Again, this will be only hindered by Ireland 'exiting' Troika funding.

3) Recovery in the  fiscal space will require lower, not higher, costs of funding for the Exchequer debt roll-overs and paydowns of Troika debts. As above, exit from the bailout will likely assure that this cost will be rising, not falling.

4) Recovery in the economy will require the Exchequer restructuring, significantly, some of the banks-related debts carried by the State. Most notably - the likes of the promissory notes - and this is clearly not going to be consistent with the Exchequer borrowing in the markets, at least not while we restructure the banks-related debt. It is better for Ireland to stay within the ESM and deliver on restructuring, and only after that aim to gradually exit the programme.

5) Lastly, recovery on exit from the program will require more aggressive reforms and stringent adherence to the fiscal discipline established. Alas, once we exit the program, the Government will lose its ONLY functional trump card in dealing with the Trade Unions. The Bogey Man of the Troika will be gone and the Social Partners will most likely exert pressure on the Government to borrow beyond its means to compensate them for the hardships of the Troika period. We can be at a risk of undoing overnight the precious little progress we've achieved to-date.

So, overall, I do not think this economy is going to recover once we exit the bailout. In fact, I think the entire logic of this argument as advanced by Minister Noonan is backwards. We should only exit the bailout once the economy is sufficiently strong to sustain orderly transition from subsidized funding to real world funding. Exiting Troika arrangements will not free Ireland from painful adjustments needed, but will likely risk derailing what has been achieved so far.


On Troika review specifics:

Banks remain well-capitalised and downsizing has progressed well, yet further efforts are needed to address their profitability and asset quality challenges.
Irish banks are well capitalized solely because there are no substantial writedowns of mortgages being undertaken in the banking sector. Meanwhile, mortgages arrears are snowballing, implying that the current levels of capitalization are unlikely to be sustained in the short term future. In other words, Troika praise here is simply a PR exercise.

Real GDP growth has slowed to a projected rate of ½ percent in 2012. Prospects for growth in 2013 are for modest pick up to just over 1 percent as domestic demand declines moderately...
So if I get this right: GDP will grow 0.5% in 2012 and 1.0% in 2013. GNP will shrink in 2012 and 2013 as well. Which means the real economy in Ireland - the one you and I and the listeners to this station are inhabiting will be shrinking 6 years in a row. That's 'strong performance'? In real terms we had GNP of 162bn in 2007, it fell to 127 billion in 2011 and is now, as IMF suggests will fall even further - close to 122-124bn or lower by the end of 2013. This is the much-lauded recovery we are bragging about?!

The authorities are ramping up reforms to restore the health of the Irish financial sector so that it can help support economic recovery. Intensified efforts are required to deal decisively with mortgage arrears and further reduce bank operating costs.
What are these reforms? Anyone noticed ANY progress in the banking sector? Especially on dealing with mortgages? I didn't. May be Minister Noonan can show us some couples who had their debt problems resolved? Not delayed, not shelved, but actually resolved. 

25/10/2012: Icelandic experience on mortgages writedowns


Very interesting post linking Icelandic experience in mortgages writedowns to Ireland's situation from Sigrún Davíðsdóttir link here.

Needless to say, I agree - we need a sustainable long term solution and this will require dealing systemically with private debt overhang.


25/10/2012: Cool infographic on social media use in the US Elections


Cool infographic summarizing use of social media in the US elections so far:
http://open-site.org/blog/social-media-election/

(click to enlarge or best go to the link above)


Tuesday, October 23, 2012

23/10/2012: Article in Expresso


A link to the Portugal's Expresso article on sovereign debt risk premia quoting me.

23/10/2012: HFT restrictions and market efficiency


In my class on Investment Theory (MSc in Finance, TCD) we've discussed the issues relating to markets efficiency, HFT and relative speeds in newsflow and trading. We are going to talk more about this subject in my course on HFT in early 2013.

Here is the latest report on the effects of the EU regulatory interference in HFT.

Quote: "European Union plans to clamp down on trading shares faster than the blink of an eye could damage market efficiency and reduce liquidity, a UK government-sponsored paper said… A report by the Foresight Project, which was sponsored by the British government and gathered evidence from 150 academics and experts from 20 countries, said plans to force minimum resting times on orders could reduce liquidity."

The Project (led by John Beddington, the UK's chief scientific advisor) has found that:

  • "...some of the commonly held negative perceptions surrounding HFT are not supported by the available evidence and, indeed, that HFT may have modestly improved the functioning of markets in some respects"
  • "However it is believed that policymakers are justified in being concerned about the possible effects of HFT."
  • "The report found no direct evidence that HFT increased volatility, nor evidence to suggest it has led to an increase in market abuse."
  • "It said that computer-based trading could have adverse side effects in some circumstances and that these risks should be addressed."
As my students would know, I am of two views on HFT:
  1. HFT is a necessary activity with inherent risks (as any other activity in the market) 
  2. HFT can act in contradiction to the direct real-activity nature of the financial markets, but so can other financial instruments and strategies (e.g. hedging across non-asset-related risks, e.g. using Forex markets).

23/10/2012: Signs, Indicators and Noise


From time to time in the past I used to look at CDS spreads for sovereigns. I have not done so in a while. In fact, I have not even updated my database for these in a while. Why? Because something is dodgy about the sovereign assets' market that is manipulated by the sovereigns. And here's a quote from the TF Market Advisors that sums it up well enough:

"One of the effects of the central bank policies is that many of the more obscure parts of the market that you could look to for clues or early warning signs have been eliminated. Sure these markets still exist, but the information from them is so manipulated that it is difficult to get a clear read."

  1. LIBOR : "Between Fed lending programs, LTRO, and the lawsuits, I have no clue what to make of LIBOR other than it probably isn’t a whole lot of use as a sign of anything."
  2. EUR/USD 3 month basis swap : "...was another useful indicator showing the relative strength of US banks versus European banks. Again with LTRO and various central bank global swap lines, this measure has become useless. With banks willing to use central bank liquidity without fear of reprisals or negative stigma, they do, and this rate hovers right around where the governments would like it to be."
  3. European sovereign CDS : "has become far more difficult to interpret as all these naked bans get enforced. French CDS went from 106 on the 11th of October to 65 today, in pretty much a straight line. I have difficulty thinking of one real reason that France could have done so well – they have funded ESM, instituted some domestic policies that seem dubious at best, have had weak economic data, and are marching to the beat of their own drum in the Euro in a way that indicates willingness to take on more debt, yet they are tighter. This makes it hard to figure out what is going on in European bank CDS."
  4. US Treasury Yields : "...are very difficult to figure out. The Fed owns over 35% of treasuries with maturities 5 years and longer. Almost everything you would look at and try and infer from the treasury market is skewed by that."
  5. Economic data "has even come under attack. In general I don’t believe the data is manipulated, particularly not for political purposes (but there are a growing number of people who do). But I do think they try and cover up their own mistakes. Jobless claims came in at 337k or something (pre upward revision) two weeks ago. There was a lot of concern, and some very good economists spoke to the BLS and came up with the conclusion that one big state had not sent in their quarter end revisions in time. There was some confirmation of this, but then some sort of denial. Missing the deadline would be an honest mistake in my opinion, it shouldn’t happen, but I can see how it could. Then last week, we posted 388k as the number. Now we have data that looks like 369k, 342k, and 388k. Is the reality that had they properly accounted for the missing number, that the claims have been 369k, 365k, 365k? If so, we have okay but steady claims. If the actual data is correct (which I don’t think it is) then we would have seen some euphoric hiring followed by aggressive firing. I find that harder to believe."
Note, I wrote about US jobless claims figure here.

There is a major problem, folks. While we can debate the numbers left, right and center, what is clear is that the current environment (political, monetary and policy) is becoming less and less transparent. The market signals are being distorted (willingly and via the law of unintended consequences) and this does not bode well for the future. 


Monday, October 22, 2012

22/10/2012: Financial Crises: Borrowers Pain, Creditors Gain


A very interesting paper on the effects of the financial crises on imbalance of power (and thus the imbalance of the incidence of costs) between the borrowers and the lenders. The paper is a serious reality check for Irish policymakers in the context of the 'reforms' of the Personal Insolvency laws currently being proposed. In fact, the Irish proposed 'reforms' actually tragically replicate the very worst implications of the study summarized below.

"Resolving Debt Overhang: Political Constraints in the Aftermath of Financial Crises" by Atif R. Mian, Amir Sufi, and Francesco Trebbi (NBER Working Paper No. 17831, February 2012 http://www.nber.org/papers/w17831) shows that "debtors bear the brunt of a decline in asset prices associated with financial crises and policies aimed at partial debt relief may be warranted to boost growth in the midst of crises. Drawing on the US experience during the Great Recession of 2008-09 and historical evidence in a large panel of countries, [the study explores] why the political system may fail to deliver such policies. [The authors] find that during the Great Recession creditors were able to use the political system more effectively to protect their interests through bailouts. More generally we show that politically countries become more polarized and fractionalized following financial crises. This results in legislative stalemate, making it less likely that crises lead to meaningful macroeconomic reforms."


Mortgage recourse:
"The higher level of recourse and tougher rules for declaring bankruptcy are likely to prevent borrowers from declaring default. As a result, debtors in European countries are more likely to absorb financial shocks internally than declare default. …We investigate this …by comparing the change in default rates across Europe and the United States during the 2007 to 2009 global housing crisis. Since the bankruptcy regime is relatively more lax in the United States, one would expect a larger increase in default rates." Controlling for rates of decline in house prices and the level of indebtedness of the borrowing households (LTVs at origination) the authors test explicitly data for US, U.K., Spain, France and Ireland from 2007 to 2009 using data from the European Mortgage Federation. 

Figure 1 


"The change in default rate (red bar) for USA between 2007 and 2009 is 5.9 percentage points. While the default rate level in 2007 is not shown in Figure 1, it is quite low and similar across the five countries (0.4%, 1.2%, 0.7%, 1.9%, and 2.1% for France, Ireland, Spain, the United Kingdom and the United States, respectively). …All European countries in Figure 1 have high recourse and tough bankruptcy laws relative to the United States. The very large increase in default rates for the US is consistent with the notion that lower level of recourse and easier bankruptcy legislation helps indebted borrowers declare default. …A collective look at the three housing market variables in Figure 1 shows that the United States experienced the highest increase in default rates by far, despite some of the European countries experiencing very similar (if not stronger) decline in house price (e.g. Ireland) and having similar housing leverage (Ireland and the United Kingdom)."

  
The Political Response to Financial Crises and Debt Overhang:
                                                
"The 2007-2009 US financial crisis provides an interesting case study to examine the political tug of war between debtors and creditors. …[In the US], housing assets were the main asset for low net worth individuals, and their housing positions were quite levered. As a result, the collapse in house prices disproportionately affected low net worth individuals. Mian, Rao, and Sufi (2011) show that at the 10th percentile of the county-level house price distribution, house prices dropped by 40 to 60% depending on the house price index used. This decline would completely wipe out the entire net worth of the median household in lowest quintile of the net worth distribution. CoreLogic reports that 25% of mortgages are underwater; for the low net worth individuals in the US, this effectively means that their total net worth is negative." 

"It is in this context that Mian, Sufi and Trebbi (2010a), henceforth MST, document the political economy of two major bailout bills that were passed in the US Congress in 2008. The first of these bills, the American Housing Rescue and Foreclosure Prevention Act (AHRFPA), provided up to $300 billion in Federal Housing Administration insurance for renegotiated mortgages, which translated into using public funds to provide debtor relief… At the same time, creditors--i.e., the shareholders and debt-holders of large financial institutions--pushed a second bill which was closely tied to protecting their own interests [the $700 billion Emergency Economic Stabilization Act (EESA) which eventually led to TARP]…"

"While both debtors and creditors were effective in passing legislation in their favor, there were two important differences in the magnitude of their effectiveness. First, the debtor friendly bill provided fewer resources ($300 billion versus $700 billion) than the creditor friendly legislation… [despite the fact that] debtors faced substantially larger losses …than creditors in the face of the US housing crisis. Second, while the creditor friendly EESA bill was fully implemented and executed, the housing legislation was a miserable failure. As of December 2008, there were only 312 applications for relief under the program and the secretary of Housing and Urban Development was highly critical of the program. … When Obama Administration …implemented the Home Affordability Modification Program under AHRFPA, their initial goal was to help 3 to 4 million homeowners with loan modifications. In July, 2011 President Obama admitted that HAMP program has “probably been the area that's been most stubborn to us trying to solve the problem.”" 

"It is worth noting that one of the main reasons for the ineffectiveness of the HAMP program has been the lack of cooperation from creditors. The initial legislation made creditor cooperation completely voluntary, thereby enabling many creditors to opt out of the program despite qualifying borrowers. In fact, as Representative Barney Frank noted, banks actually helped formulate the program in the summer of 2008."

Need I remind you that in Ireland's reform bill to alter the draconian personal insolvency laws currently on the books, the banks not only have an option of voluntary participation, but an actual veto on resolution mechanism deployed.

"Cross-country evidence on financial crises and change in creditor rights The seminal work of La Porta et al (1998), followed by Djankov et al. (2007), introduced cross-country index of “creditor rights” from 1978 to 2002. The index captures the rights of secured lenders under a country’s legal system. A country has stronger creditor rights if: 
  1.  there are restrictions for a debtor to file for reorganization [In the case of Ireland's Insolvency Law reform, this factor is actually made worse than in the current legislation since the reform law is going to force debtors to undergo a period of compulsory arrangements dictated solely by the banks before they can file for bankruptcy]; 
  2. creditors are able to seize collateral in bankruptcy automatically without any “asset freeze” [again, my reading of Ireland's 'reform' proposals suggests automatic seizure of assets once bankruptcy is granted]; 
  3. secured creditors are paid first [as is the case in Ireland]; and 
  4. control shifts away from management as soon as bankruptcy is declared.  


"Overall, while creditor rights promote the origination of more credit, a financial crisis that results from excessive debt tends to reduce creditor rights. These results highlight a fundamental tension between the benefits of stronger creditor rights ex-ante and the debt overhang costs associated with giving creditor too much power in the financial crisis state of the world. Ex-post relaxation of creditor rights is not the norm after a financial crisis. …More specifically, we show that financial crises are systematically followed by political polarization and that this may result in gridlock and anemic reform. …Financial crises polarize debtors and creditors in society. On the one hand, debtors are weakened by a fall in the value of assets they hold. On the other hand, creditors become more sensitive to write-offs during bad times …and possibly more reluctant to converge onto a renegotiated platform because of their increased reliance on the satisfaction of the original terms of agreement."

22/10/2012: Income Tax in Ireland: a snapshot


Another tax chart (source here) on effective income & social security taxes in various countries:


And so where's Ireland in this? I took KPMG tax calculator for 2012 and... for a person on $100,000 (depending on which exchange rate you take - spot or 3mo average), Ireland scores:

  • Self-employed person, single, no children effective tax rate of 40%
  • PAYE effective tax rate of 37.5-37.75%
  • Average for a single earner tax rate of 38.42%
See for yourselves where that places Ireland.

More on this in forthcoming Village Magazine issue.

22/10/2012: Is Ireland a 'Special Case' in the Euro area periphery?


Since the disastrously vacuous summit last Thursday and Friday, there has been a barrage of 'Ireland is special' statements from Merkel and other political leaders. The alleged 'special' nature of Ireland compared to Greece, Portugal and Spain is, supposedly, reflected in Irish banks being successfully repaired and Irish fiscal crisis corrected to a stronger health position than that of the other peripheral countries.

I am not going to make a comment on the banking system's functionality in Ireland compared to other states. But on the fiscal front, let's take a look. Per IMF:

  • In 2012 we expect to post a Government deficit of 8.30% of GDP against Greece's deficit of 7.52%, Portugal's 4.99% and Spain's 6.99%. We are 'special' in so far as we will have the highest deficit of all peripheral countries.
  • In 2013, Ireland is forecast to post a Government deficit of 7.52% of GDP against Greece's 4.67%, Portugal's 4.48% and Spain's 5.67%. Once again, 'special' allegedly means the 'worst performing'.
  • In 2012, Ireland's structural deficit would have fallen from 9.31% of potential GDP in 2010 to 6.15% - a decline of 3.16 ppt. For Greece, the same numbers are 12.12% to 4.53% - a decline of 7.59 ppt or more than double the rate of austerity than in Ireland. For Portugal, these numbers are  8.96% to 4.09% - a decline of 4.87 ppt of more than 50% deeper reduction than in Ireland. For Spain: 7.32% to 5.39% - a drop of 1.93 ppt or shallower than that for Ireland.
  • In 2013 in terms of structural deficit, Ireland (5.38% of potential GDP deficit) will be worse off than Greece (-1.06% of potential GDP), Portugal (2.28%) and Spain (3.52%)

Now, run by me what is so 'special' about Ireland's fiscal adjustment case?

Can it be that we are 'lighter' than other peripherals on debt?
  • 2010 Government debt in Ireland stood at 92.175% of GDP and this year it will be around 117.743% - up 25.255% of GDP. For Greece this was respectively 144.55% of GDP in 2010 and 170.731% in 2012 - a rise of 26.181%, marginally faster than that for Ireland. For Portugal, gross Government debt was 93.32% of GDP in 2010 and that rose to 119.066% in 2012, an increase of 25.746%. Again, not far from Ireland's. And for Spain, these numbers were 61.316% to 90.693% - a rise of 29.377%. So while Spain is clearly the worst performer in the class, Ireland, Greece and Portugal are not that far off from each other.
Wait, what about economic reforms and internal devaluations? Surely here Ireland, with its exports-focused economy is a 'special' case?
  • In 2012, Ireland is expected to post a current account surplus of 1.813% of GDP, against deficits of between 0.148% and 2.909% for the other three peripheral countries. This, of course, is not the legacy of Irish reforms, but of the MNCs operating from here.
  • However, in terms of current account dynamics, Ireland is not that special. Between 2010 and 2012, Greece will reduce its current account deficit by 4.294 ppt, Ireland will improve its external balance by 0.674 ppt, Portugal by 7.105 ppt and Spain by 2.278 ppt. So Ireland is the worst performing country of four in terms of current account dynamics, while the best performing in terms of current account balance.
Now, do run by me what can it possibly mean for Ireland to be a 'special' case compared to Greece, Portugal and Spain?

Sunday, October 21, 2012

21/10/2012: Some links for Investment Analysis 2012-2013 course


For Investment Analysis class - here are some good links on CAPM and it's applications to actual strategy formation & research, and couple other topics we covered in depth:

Classic:
"The Capital Asset Pricing Model: Theory and Evidence" Eugene F. Fama and Kenneth R. French : http://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=440920

"CAPM Over the Long-Run: 1926-2001", Andrew Ang, Joseph Chen, January 21, 2003: http://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=346600

"Downside Risk", Joseph Chen, Andrew Ang, Yuhang Xing, The Review of Financial Studies, Vol. 19, Issue 4, pp. 1191-1239, 2006

"Mean-Variance Investing", Andrew Ang, August 10, 2012, Columbia Business School Research Paper No. 12/49  http://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=2131932&rec=1&srcabs=2103734&alg=1&pos=1



More related to the Spring 2013 course on HFT and Technical Models:
"A Quantitative Approach to Tactical Asset Allocation" Mebane T. Faber : http://www.mebanefaber.com/2009/02/19/a-quantitative-approach-to-tactical-asset-allocation-updated/

"The Trend is Our Friend: Risk Parity, Momentum and Trend Following in Global Asset Allocation", Andrew Clare, James Seaton, Peter N. Smith and Stephen Thomas, 11th September 2012: http://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=2126478

"Dynamic Portfolio Choice" Andrew Ang: http://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=2103734

21/10/2012: Overselling & Overhyping


Here's at last a significant recognition from the Irish media that the Government should be held accountable for the claims it makes relating to 'selling' newsflow to the public.

The Irish Government has grossly oversold and mis-interpreted the June 29 EU Summit outcomes, and then subsequently opted to actively undervalue the statements made by the EU states' officials on interpretation of the summit results.

I wrote about this matter here, here, here and here.

Saturday, October 20, 2012

20/10/2012: Is there a WW3 going on somewhere?


Is there a war of major proportions the US fighting somewhere?..


And may be Japan and Europe are all fighting for something pretty big too?


20/10/2012: Irish Agriculture 2009-2011 - Value Added


CSO released data for gross value added in agriculture for 2009-2011 yesterday - a set of data that reveals the final figures for the various sources of income in Irish agriculture. The good news is that in 2011 the subsidies junkies have managed (in part on foot of booming agricultural prices) to derive some net value added from their activities. The bad news is that ba far the Agricultural sector in Ireland remains unproductive.

The core figures are defined as follows:
  • Net subsidies: Subsidies on products less taxes on products plus subsidies on production less taxes on production.
  • GVA at basic prices = Operating surplus + Compensation of employees + Fixed capital consumption - Other subsidies less taxes on production
I have written on many occasions before that Irish agriculture is an extension of the welfare state, in so far as most of the value added in it is provided for by the subsidies. Here are the latest details:

Thus, only in the South-West did 2011 net of tax subsidies cover less than 50% of the operating surplus. In Broder, Midland and Western region, net subsidies exceeded operating surplus.

Over the last 3 years:
  • Value of the total output in Livestock nationwide rose from €2,225 million in 2009 to €2,281 million in 2010 and €2,665 million in 2011 - an increase for 2009-2011 of cumulative 19.8%
  • Value of the total output in Livestock Products nationwide rose from €1,148 million in 2009 to €1,591 million in 2010 and €1,887 million in 2011 - an increase for 2009-2011 of cumulative 64.3%
  • Value of the total output in Crops nationwide rose from €1,377 million in 2009 to €1,523 million in 2010 and €1,751 million in 2011 - an increase for 2009-2011 of cumulative 27.1%
  • Value of the Total Goods Output in Agriculture nationwide rose from €4,751 million in 2009 to €5,395 million in 2010 and €6,303 million in 2011 - an increase for 2009-2011 of cumulative 32.7%
  • However, there was also a 16.9% rise in Intermediate Consumption of inputs that went into supplying the above Total Goods Output in Agriculture, which rose from €4,185 million in 2009, to €4,302 million in 2010 and €4,890 million in 2011.
  • At the same time, Net Subsidies (as defined above) rose only marginally - by 0.04% cumulative, from €1,813 million in 2009declining first to €1,649 million in 2010 and rising to €1,814 million in 2011.
  • As the result of this, Operating Surplus in Irish Agriculture went from €1,446 million in 2009 to €1,841 million in 2010 and to €2,395 million in 2011, posting a cumulated rate of growth for 2009-2011 of 65.7%.
All of the above means that absent net subsidies, Irish Agriculture's contribution to the economy (net of costs) would have been: a loss of €367.4 million in 2009, a gain of €192.5 million in 2010 and a gain of €581.5 million in 2011. With a sector that has managed to add - out of its own activity - just €406.6 million to the economy cumulative over last 3 years, we have a lot of policy and marketing hoopla about the value of Ireland's Agriculture.

The table below summarizes inputs and outputs in the GVA calculation for Irish Agriculture:

Even taking into the account wages paid by and to Irish farmers, the overall Agriculture's importance to the economy is (on the net) minor. Oh, and above does not account for the cost of running the Department of Agriculture and other tax-related spending that effectively is an added cost to the taxpayers.

Friday, October 19, 2012

19/10/2012: FDI: It ain't all it is claimed to be...



Quite an interesting little study out of the US worth reading (link here to an earlier version).

Christian Fons-Rosen, Sebnem Kalemli-Ozcan, Bent E. Sørensen, Carolina Villegas-Sanchez, and Vadym Volosovych just published a working paper titled "Where are the Productivity Gains from Foreign Investment? Evidence on Spillovers and Reallocation from Firms, Industries and Countries".

The paper identifies "the effect of foreign direct investment (FDI) on host economies by separating positive productivity (TFP) effects of knowledge spillovers from negative effects of competition."

"Policymakers around the world have welcomed this development and encouraged it given the perceived benefits of FDI such as technology transfer, knowledge spillovers, and better management practices. Several macro-level studies confirm these predictions by documenting a positive correlation between aggregate growth and aggregate FDI flows (see Kose, Prasad, Rogoff, and Wei (2009)). Researchers argue that this positive correlation between FDI and growth is a result of knowledge spillovers from multinationals and their foreign-owned affiliates to domestic firms in the host country."

Unfortunately, as the authors point out, "there is no direct causal evidence at the firm-level supporting this view for a large set of countries. Available evidence lacks external validity and the existing findings vary to a great extent between developed countries and emerging markets depending on the focus of the particular study".

The point raised is that "Any finding of a positive relation between foreign owner- ship and domestic productivity can be an artifact of (a) foreigners investing in productive firms in productive sectors and (b) exit of low productivity domestic firms following foreign investment. Establishing a causal effect of FDI on productivity (directly on foreign owned firms and indirectly via spillovers on domestic firms) is challenging: to identify such an effect, firm and sector specific selection effects must be accounted for, as well as the possibility of dynamic effects through the exit of weak domestic firms."

"The second difficulty in the quest for identification arises from the simultaneity problem. Foreign investment may be correlated over time with higher productivity of affiliates, or higher productivity of domestic firms with whom they interact; however, dynamic patterns might be driven simultaneously by time varying factors other than foreign ownership."

To control for the above, the study uses "a unique new firm/establishment-level data set covering the last decade for a large set of countries (60 countries) with information on economic activity, ownership stake, type, sector, and country of origin of foreign investors."

Top of the line conclusion is that:
"Controlling for foreigners potentially selecting themselves into productive firms and sectors, we show that the positive effect of FDI on the host economy’s aggregate productivity is a myth.
-- Foreigners invest in high productivity firms and sectors, but do not increase productivity of the acquired firms nor enhance the productivity of the average domestic firm.
-- In emerging markets, we find that the productivity of acquired firms increases but the effect is too small to significantly affect the aggregate economy.
-- For domestic firms, a higher level of foreign investment in the same sector of operation leads to strong negative competition effects in both developed and emerging countries.
-- In developed countries, we find evidence of positive spillovers through knowledge transfers only for domestic firms with high initial productivity levels operating within the same broad sector as the multinational investor but in a different sub-sector.
-- Our results confirm the predictions of the new new trade and FDI literature, in that more productive firms select themselves into exporting and FDI activities."

Oops!

More damning:
"Our preliminary results show that foreign owned firms/multinational affiliates are more productive … in developed countries; however, …this effect in developed countries is solely driven by future fundamentals (growth potential); i.e., growing firms becoming foreign-owned."

Double Oops!

Next:
"We find evidence of positive spillovers from foreign activity only when we look at a finer sectoral classification where the domestic firms are not direct competitors of the foreign firms and where domestic firms are at the top of the productivity distribution." Now, let's face it, folks, in MNCs-dominated sectors, Irish firms are not exactly a shining example of being at the top of the productivity distribution (except perhaps in ICT services, but most certainly not in pharma or medical devices or financial services). Which means that by and large we should not expect significant spillovers from the MNCs to Irish firms.


PS: Sadly, the study was not able to incorporate data from Ireland, because - to use polite authors' expression - Ireland belongs to a group of countries with 'Problematic Data Coverage' (aka dodgy data) for Manufacturing firms 2002-2007.

19/10/2012: Tail Risk and Basic Investment Markets Models


For Investment Theory course: some additional slides on the topic of tail risks and applicability of the models we covered in class (note: these are just supplementary readings, so no exam-focused material):

Here are few of my slides from the 2009-2010 Advanced Quantitative Portfolio Management course. You can enlarge each slide by clicking on it.
















Thursday, October 18, 2012

18/10/2012: ARMs - compounded effects of austerity and banks deleveraging


As the Irish banks are hiking ARMs, it is worth reminding us as to why this is a bad news for Irish economy:


Now, here's the Catch22.

  1. Irish banks funding costs are joined at a hip with the Sovereign funding costs, thus reducing these costs will require reducing Sovereign costs, which in turn means taking in more taxes and cutting back more Government spending.
  2. The former part of (1) means that households on the ARMs will be bearing all of the burden of the high funding costs for the banks.
  3. The latter part of (2) means that households on the ARMs are going to experience, alongside all other economic agents, the cost of Government deleveraging.
(2) + (3) means that in our 'fairness-concerned' society, ARMs holders will be paying twice the rate of the fiscal adjustment that any other group of agents.

Good luck, Michael Noonan, bankrupting the ARMs.

18/10/2012: Summit/Dinner+Dinner Commencing


With the start of the 2-day summit (cross-out: series of dinners) at the EU, here's what JPM research team we should expect from the meetings:


In brief: expect nothing much... With that, may I wish good 'news hunting' for the army of media folks besieging EU buildings...

Sunday, October 14, 2012

14/10/2012: Shadow Economy


An interesting chart based on OECD data:


The above captures data for 2010 latest so we can expect the 'Latest' metric to come up as the crisis and rising tax burdens continue to push more and more activity into the Black Economy. Still, at ca 15% of GDP in Shadow economy, the problem of extra-legal economy is non-negligible. Another point to make is that since Shadow economy does not apply to the MNCs activities, Ireland figure should be adjusted for GNP/GDP gap. Which would put us right at Sweden's level. Performing the same for mid-1990s figure implies that Ireland's Shadow economy has declined over the period covered by lower percentage points than any other economy (save Austria's, US' and Germany's - where Shadow economy share rose).

Saturday, October 13, 2012

13/10/2012: China's Property Bubble



Some interesting insights into China's economy dependency on property markets from the ECB Monthly Bulletin (link: http://www.ecb.int/pub/pdf/mobu/mb201210en.pdf). Italics are mine:

"Housing investment has been an increasingly important source of growth for China in recent years". Most notably:

  • Real estate investment accounts for about 25% of total fixed asset investment, with the latter having driven 50% of GDP growth since 2006. So overall, over 12% of China's economic expansion is now due to property boom directly. Associated activities, e.g. construction, construction materials, banking services and planning & development services probably means that good 17-20% of the overall growth in China since 2006 has been due to the real estate investment boom.
  • "In terms of its share in GDP, real estate investment rose from 10% in 2006 to 16% in 2011".
  • "Construction and real estate services together employ over 10% of the workforce and contribute to 13% of total added value". 
  • "Real estate investment also has strong linkages to other industries such as machinery and equipment".


"House prices in China have risen sharply in recent years and are high compared with incomes'. 'High'? Judge for yourselves:

  • Average price per sqm of housing "across a sample of 35 large and mid-sized Chinese cities nearly tripled between 1999 and 2011, although this average masks great disparities." 
  • "The price of a 100m2 house expressed in multiples of the annual disposable income of an average family of 3.3 persons also varies widely, from 4.4 times yearly income in peripheral cities (Hohhot, Inner Mongolia), to close to 16 in large, booming cities such as Beijing and Shenzhen (see Chart A)."

  • "On average, the ratio fell between 1999 and 2011 as disposable income rose faster than the square metre price (11% compared with 9% annually – see the red dotted line in Chart B). However, when one considers the increase in the size of the average house, a different picture begins to emerge. Over recent years, living space has increased from an average of 19.4 m2 per capita in 1999 to 32.7 m2 in 2011,  while the average household size has decreased from 3.6 persons to 3.1, implying that the average house has grown from 70 m2 to 101 m2. As a result, the price of the average house (expressed in multiples of income) rose from 6.4 in 1999 to 8.6 in 2011 (see the blue line in Chart B)." 


13/10/2012: ECB study on fiscal (non)sustainability in OECD 1970-2010



An interesting study (ECB Working paper NO 1465 / AUGUST 2012) titled "REVISITING FISCAL SUSTAINABILITY: PANEL COINTEGRATION AND STRUCTURAL BREAKS IN OECD COUNTRIES" by António Afonso and João Tovar Jalles (link http://ssrn.com/abstract_id=2128484 ) attempts to identify if "fiscal imbalances in a number of OECD countries need to be curtailed before they become economically unsustainable, leading to insolvency situations". The study covered 18 OECD countries over the 1970-2010 period. Italics are mine, throughout.

Per authors: "In our empirical approach we perform a systematic analysis of the stationarity properties of the first-differenced stock of government debt as well as, on the one hand, the relation between government revenues and expenditures and, on the other hand, the relation between primary balances and debt. These approaches provide us with an indirect test on the solvency of public finances in these countries. We conduct this analysis on a country-by-country basis, …as well as for the country panel as a whole."

The study results show that "the first-differenced debt series for most countries is non-stationarity suggesting that the solvency condition would not be satisfied".

In addition, the authors find "the existence of one cointegrating relationship in only 6 countries between revenues and expenditures. However, the overall test results allow the rejection of the cointegration hypothesis in both relationships under scrutiny. In other words, government expenditures, in half of the countries, exhibited a higher growth rate than government revenues, challenging therefore the hypothesis of fiscal sustainability."

"... the cointegrating coefficients for the revenues-expenditures relationship are positive (but less than one) and statistically significant, meaning that for each percentage point of GDP increase in public expenditures, revenues increase by less than one percentage point of GDP."

In terms of causality, the study finds "...stronger effects running from revenues to expenditures and most countries are not able to generate the revenues required to finance the planned expenditures. We find Granger-causality from government debt to the primary balance, which can be seen as evidence of the existence of a Ricardian regime."

Finally, "panel data results corroborate time-series findings, and even though we find that long-run causality seems to run from lagged debt to the primary balance, on average the marginal long-run impact is zero."

Core conclusion: "All in all, we cannot say that fiscal policy has been sustainable for most countries in our sample."

In effect, there has been systemic, long term overspending by the states incapable of backing expenditure hikes with revenues. Living beyond their means is a long-term thing in the sample and is a prevalent modus operandi for the majority of the states over the period of 40 years.

13/10/2012: Irish corporate tax haven in the news flow



Some links I collected over time on the case of irish corporate tax haven:

Here's a list of recent articles on 'Tax Haven' Ireland:




EU noticing that our manufacturing is largely a 'fake' : link here http://www.irishexaminer.com/business/eu-irish-output-is-distorted-210505.html

Canada's estimated tax exhales via Ireland = CAD23.5bn in 2011, 3rd largest : link here http://www.huffingtonpost.ca/2012/08/17/tax-havens-canadian-banks_n_1797331.html


And priceless non-Ireland related (so far…) case of HuffPo hypocrisy : link here http://order-order.com/2012/10/12/introducing-huffpo-luxembourg/
Though do keep in mind that AOL is in Ireland too.

And some more from earlier dates:

Here's Financial Secrecy Rankings from 2011 referencing Ireland's lack of transfer pricing regulations as the core driver for turning "Ireland into a source of loopholes in international tax": link here http://www.secrecyjurisdictions.com/PDF/Ireland.pdf



Why ireland is an EU Corporate Tax Haven post (search the page for February 21st, 2011 post) : link here http://treasureislands.org/progressive-tax-blog-reloaded/


The link above also mentions Boston Scientific case

The case if WPP group: link here (search the site page for "Don't be fooled by WPP's" phrase http://treasureislands.org/progressive-tax-blog-reloaded/

Updated:
Another link on the latest MNCs effective tax rates: http://www.independent.ie/business/irish/dell-pays-just-15m-tax-despite-sales-of-96bn-3276711.html

Yet more on the story of Google in Ireland:
http://www.irishtimes.com/newspaper/world/2012/1101/1224325978868.html

Updated 05/11/2012: Now it's Apple's turn: http://www.businessinsider.com/apple-tax-rate-2012-11

And more today - this one on Bain Capital: http://www.businessinsider.com/bain-capitals-dutch-tax-plan-2012-11

Updated 06/11/2012: More on Apple: http://www.independent.ie/business/irish/apple-used-ireland-to-pay-just-2pc-tax-on-nonus-profits-3285168.html

And latest idea of UK-German cooperation on cracking down on MNCs tax avoidance: http://www.guardian.co.uk/business/2012/nov/05/uk-germany-tax-loopholes-multinationals

Updated 12/11/2012: Telegraph on US trio of UK tax 'optimizers': http://www.telegraph.co.uk/finance/personalfinance/consumertips/tax/9673358/Starbucks-Amazon-and-Google-admit-using-favourable-tax-jurisdictions.html

Updated 16/11/2012: Two items both via Michael Taft:
Article on Irish corporate tax rate and budgetary policy:
http://www.thejournal.ie/readme/corporation-tax-budget-674461-Nov2012/?utm_source=shortlink

Statement from the EU Congress identifying Ireland as one of tax havens (from 2004):
http://www.gpo.gov/fdsys/pkg/CPRT-112SPRT70710/pdf/CPRT-112SPRT70710.pdf
see bottom of page 30.

Updated 18/11/2012: Dutch Sandwich Tax Scheme and google: http://arstechnica.com/business/2012/11/dutch-sandwich-with-a-side-of-tax-relief-may-soon-be-off-googles-menu/

13/10/2012: Euro area debt crisis and fake targets


My article for the Globe & Mail on euro area debt targets (link here).

13/10/2012: Big Data, Fast Data, Protected Efficiencies


A very interesting (and revealing in terms of future strategies scope) set of videos from Goldman Sachs' Co-Head of Internet Banking (link here). Basic idea is that data analytics and efficiency drive - both via innovation - are the core sources of value in years ahead.

Main factors:

  • Data supply/generation - high volume of generated data is an opportunity (nothing new here, though) for 'bifurcation' of the business models that will grow and those that won't.
  • Proprietary data is the king
  • Internal human capital (knowledge) to capture this advantage is the king-maker
  • Enablement of this data via consumer-provider links is the battle ground

Frankly speaking, these are received wisdoms.

  • Capacity utilization drives efficiency
  • The rate of this drive/change/disruption is massive
Worth a watch!

13/10/2012: Europe's Banks are now Global Growth Zombies



Back in 2011 the IMF was concerned that in the current crisis, the European banks will withdraw / deleverage from/out Asia Pacific and other emerging regions, thus reducing the supply of credit there. 

I thought the concern to be completely misplaced. My view is currently for accelerating maturity of the credit and financial services markets in the middle income economies and emerging markets, leading to increasing independence of these regions from funding from the West and rising self-sufficiency of internal markets. In contrast to the IMF, I posited the proposition that the deleveraging of the European banks out of Asia Pacific will (1) lead to enhanced credit activity in the region itself, as regional players exploit economies of scale from buying out European operations assets, and 2) result in the reduced supply of credit in Europe, as Asian and other middle income economies' banks focus more their efforts in internal Asia Pacific markets, while using Latin American and African markets as the platforms for deploying home-grown expertise in financing rapid growth activities.

I said this then… and the evidence is coming in now to show that I was right. Today's data from the Euromoney Credit Risk analytics shows that European banks are pulling out of the merging and middle-income markets, globally, and that "the real surprise is not the pace of retreat but the speed at which the gaps are being plugged".

Per ECR: "As [the European banks] slink home to shore up capital and preserve their dwindling reserves of credibility, they leave yawning gaps that are in most (but not all) cases quickly and happily filled by non-European rivals. …Is this, in terms of long-term global reach and relevance, curtains for Europe’s battered banks, and if it is, will anyone really miss them?"

Here's some evidence: 

  • "In the first eight months of 2007, the last calendar year of growth before the financial crisis, the global syndicated loans market was dominated by European banks. Eleven filled the top 20 rankings, according to Dealogic, with five in the top 10 alone. Scroll forward five years and only two names, Barclays and Deutsche Bank, sneak into the global top 20."
  • "In the first eight months of 2007, nine European lenders jostled for position at the sharp end of the pan-Asia Pacific syndicated loans markets. By 2012, just two names, HSBC and Standard Chartered, featured in the top 20, and both, it can be argued, are emerging markets specialists with their roots and futures fixed firmly in Asia."
  • "The most notable national absence involves France’s leading standard bearers: the likes of BNP Paribas, Société Générale and Crédit Agricole, names that once bestrode Asia, particularly in areas like trade and project finance. In just five years, all three have disappeared almost entirely from every conceivable bank ranking."
  • "In Africa, the pace of [European banks] extraction is slower but just as systematic. In Latin America, some European names are selling off the silverware piece by piece; others simply cannot appear to get out fast enough."
  • In Africa's banks league tables, "just three European names sneak in, while the top-20 table is a cultural sprawl of names and geographies. Four African banks – against none in 2007 – make the rankings, along with lenders from Japan (three of them), Russia (one), and the Middle East (three). Perhaps the most compelling two names, however, squeeze quietly into the table at eighth and 15th: China Construction Bank and Industrial and Commercial Bank, Beijing’s third-largest and largest lenders by market cap respectively. This is the first time over the past five years that any Chinese lender has made it into the top 20 in the pan-African syndicated loan table, but given Beijing’s apparently unstoppable rise and the seemingly inexorable waning of Europe’s financial star, surely not the last."


But the departure of European banks is being compensated for by growth of domestic finance:
  • "Europe’s mass departure has been treated with a mixture of unrestrained glee and raw opportunism across Asia; whenever a European financial asset has been on the block, buyers – mostly Asian – have flocked to buy it. …Western lenders, reckons RBS Capital Markets, sold $12 billion worth of equity stakes in emerging markets in the 24 months to end-June 2012 – and over half of that sell-off has taken place in Asia."
  • "In January 2012, HSBC sold its credit card business in Thailand to Bank of Ayudhya for $115 million." 
  • In May 2012, "Malaysia’s CIMB completed a deal to buy most of RBS’s Asia investment banking and cash equities business for $142 million.. giving the group instant global scale."
  • Dutch ING is "seeking to shed assets as fast as it possibly can: it is currently trying to sell its €43 billion Asian funds business, it has already divested a majority stake in its Chinese life insurance joint venture, Pacific Antai, to China Construction Bank, and is now looking to exit its 26% stake in an insurance joint venture with Indian battery producer Exide Industries."
  • ANZ is absorbing its $550 million acquisition of the bulk of RBS’s Asia retail banking assets, and the Australian banking group "is hungry for more deals."

European banks' deleveraging – lasting from mid-2009 to the present day – has been led "… by what critics called short-sighted regulators in Brussels, Paris, Frankfurt and London desperate to boost liquidity to avoid a repeat of the financial crisis":
  • Basel III rules insist on tier-one capital levels of at least 9%. 
  • Political pressure is "brought to bear on, say, French banks by French politicians to ensure that French banks, first and foremost, lend French money to French clients. The same reverse-protectionism move is being played out by lenders in the UK, Belgium, Spain and the Netherlands. Pressures were put by the UK government on nationalized RBS and Lloyds to lend more to British companies, while Belgium’s KBC, which has received state aid, has sold non-core assets to focus more on its home market. Spanish Santander and other big banks are buying Spanish government bonds, according to dealers, while ING’s biggest exposure is the Netherlands, some analysts say."


The contrasting story is now with the US banks, with little evidence of these aiming to deleverage by reducing their emerging markets exposures:
  • Citi "remains a top 10 player in the syndicated loans market in the first eight months of 2012 in both Latin America and Asia Pacific, just as it was in the same time period five years ago, while retaining its number one position in Africa syndicated loans."
  • "JPMorgan, Citi and Bank of America Merrill Lynch filled out the top three spots in global syndicated loans for the first eight months of 2007; fast forward five years and those same players now rank first, second and fourth, separated only by Japan’s Mizuho."
  • "Non-US developed-world banks are also boosting their presence in key markets at Europe’s expense."


Asia Pacific story is now also playing out in Eastern Europe and Latin America:
  • "A few non-European lenders are pushing into the eastern half of Europe in search of bargains" 
  • Russian Sberbank "…snapped up Volksbank International, the CEE and central Asia division of Austria-based Oesterreichische Volksbanken, for €505 million ($710 million)." 
  • "… in 2011, SocGen sold its booming consumer finance, ProstoKredit, to Eurasian Bank, owned by three Kazakh and Russia oligarchs."
  • Latin America "…is a region crammed with outperforming economies as well as banking groups transformed, in less than a decade, from lepers to would-be global leaders, notably the likes of Itaú Unibanco and BTG Pactual, both Brazilian, and Davivienda and Grupo de Inversiones Suramericana (Grupo Sura), both Colombian. All are ramping up their presence around Latin America, mostly at the expense of retrenching European names."
  • "RBS was the first to cut and run, exiting Brazil last year, followed in short order by its withdrawal from Chile, Venezuela, Colombia and Argentina."
  • Grupo Sura in 2011 completed a deal "to buy the entire Latin American operations of ING, in another blanket deal."
  • HSBC sold its operations in Costa Rica, El Salvador and Honduras in September last year to Davivienda for a shade over $800 million. 
  • "Spain’s Santander, one of Latin America’s biggest banking groups… shed its operations in Colombia, where it was a peripheral player, pocketing $1.225 billion."
  • "In September, Mexico’s Grupo Financiero Banorte (GFB) announced it was formally running the rule over pension fund assets owned by Spanish lender BBVA in Chile, Colombia, Mexico and Peru. BBVA is open, even eager, for a sale; in a statement to the Mexican Stock Exchange, GFB announced its intention to explore “opportunities to generate greater scale in the pension and retirement fund business”. BBVA manages $70 billion-worth of assets in the four countries, generating a combined profit of $300 million."
  • "Again, deleveraging in Latin America appears to be the sole purview of twitchy European lenders. Scotiabank is quietly gaining strength in Latin America: the Canadian lender shelled out $1 billion last year to buy a majority stake in Colombia’s Banco Colpatria, its 20th acquisition across the region in the past six years. Citi remains solid across the region, while UBS, an investment bank more global than Swiss by nature, pumped $500 million into Grupo Sura before its ING raid."


The core problem with this is that quick deleveraging out of growth-focused regions spells diminished prospects for future profits growth for European banks and loss of access to rich deposits rapidly growing on foot of rising incomes in the regions outside sick Europe. As I warned a year ago, contrasting the IMF alarmist views, Asia, Africa, Latin America and Eastern Europe will probably be fine in the short run as European banks run for the exit. In the long run, these regions' banking systems are likely to be strengthened by the current processes. Instead, the real risk is for the European lenders who are likely to be relegated to the back water of credit growth - the stagnant pool of the euro area economies. 

Thus, the real question about the future is not 'What if Europe's banks stop lending in Asia?' (as posited by the IMF), but rather 'What if the Asian banks won't care for lending in Europe?'