23/3/2013: IMF 9th Review of Ireland's Programme

IMF Completed 9th Review with Ireland:

"Ireland’s strong policy implementation has continued and positive signs are emerging. Real GDP growth was 0.9 percent in 2012, and employment rose slightly over the year, although unemployment remains high at 14.2 percent. Further deepening its market access, Ireland issued €5 billion of 10 year bonds at 4.15 percent in March."

"The 2012 fiscal deficit of 7¾ percent of GDP was well within the 8.6 percent target. In 2013, the fiscal deficit is projected at 6¾ percent of GDP, moving toward the target of below 3 percent by 2015.  Public debt is expected to peak at 122½  percent of GDP this year and decline in later years provided growth picks up from the 1 percent rate projected in 2013."

"Financial sector reforms have continued to advance, but banks remain weighed down by nonperforming loans at about 25 percent of total loans." Per Mr. David Lipton, First Deputy Managing Director and Acting Chair:

"…problem loans remain high and accelerating their resolution is a key to economic recovery. The recent establishment of mortgage loan restructuring targets for banks is therefore welcome, and it will be supported by reforms announced by authorities that facilitate constructive engagement between banks and borrowers, promote the efficiency of repossession procedures as a last resort, provide banks with the right incentives through provisioning rules, and by sound implementation of the personal insolvency reform. Progress with resolution efforts for SME loans is also a priority.

“Building on the strong budget outturn for 2012, sound budget execution remains critical in 2013, including continued vigilance on health spending and a successful introduction of the property tax...

“Prospects for Ireland’s exit from official support have improved, yet continued strong policy implementation remains paramount given risks to medium-term growth and debt sustainability. Timely and forceful delivery on European pledges to improve program sustainability, especially by breaking the vicious circle between the banks and the Irish sovereign, would go a long way toward Ireland’s durable exit from drawing on official support.”

22/3/2013: National Accounts 2012: Ireland - Part 4

The first post of the series covering 2012 National Accounts looked at the headline numbers for real GDP growth. The second post covered sectoral weights in GNP and our GDP/GNP gap. In the third post I explored the opportunity cost of the crisis and the effect the realignment of economic activities in Ireland is having on fiscal position.

Now, let's focus on the quarterly series. 

The headline for quarterly national accounts should be reading: Ireland is back in a recession for the fourth dip…

• Q/Q Irish GDP fell, in real terms, 1.5% in Q4 2012, which followed a 1.9% q/q contraction in Q3 2012, marking two consecutive q/q contractions. 
• Y/Y Irish GDP was flat - exactly flat - on Q4 2011 but in Q3 2012 it was up 0.9%.

Meanwhile, 

• GNP was up 0.67% q/q in Q4 2012 after posting a contraction of 1.75% in Q3 2012 in q/q terms.
• Y/Y GNP was up 3.04% in Q4 2012 after posting a y/y gain of 3.9% in Q3 2012
• In H2 2012, GDP rose 0.4 y/y and shrunk 1.4% on H1 2012, while GNP rose 3.5% y/y and was up 1.89% on H1 2012.

Volatility is the name of the game for our national accounts, folks.

You can see components of GDP dynamics here.

Quarterly GDP/GNP gap posted second consecutive easing, moving away from mean reversion, suggesting the MNCs are building up capex reserves - once these are to be deployed, prepare for the gap to shift down to 20-22% territory and GNP shrinking by up to EUR2.6bn in any given quarter of reversion relative to Q4 2012. Were mean reversion to bite in Q4 2012, we would have had GNP down y/y and q/q and ditto for H2 down y/y.

22/3/2013: Sunday Times, 17/03/2013

This is an unedited version of my Sunday Times article from March 17.


Economics is an art of contention. In so far as economics body of knowledge is concerned, the world is largely composed of an infinite number of things that are either uncertain, or open to interpretation. One of the very few near-certainties that economists do hold across the ideological and philosophical divisions is that an economy undergoing deleveraging of household debt is likely to experience a lengthy period of below-trend growth. The greater the debt pile to be deleveraged, the faster was the period of debt accumulation, the longer such a recession or stagnation will last.

Another near-certainty is that in a debt crisis, economy is unlikely to recover on foot of either monetary or fiscal stimuli. Monetary easing can help the deleveraging process if and only if low policy rates translate into cheaper mortgages on the ground. This requires a functioning banking system, in addition to monetary policy independence. Fiscal stimulus can only help to the extent to which it can temporarily stimulate growth, and even then the impact on more indebted households is unlikely to be any stronger than on less-indebted ones. Longer-term effects of a significant debt-financed fiscal stimulus in an economy already struggling with government and household debt, are more likely to be detrimental to the overall process of deleveraging. Higher debt today necessary to fund economic stimulus translates into higher burden of that debt in the future.

Meanwhile, deleveraging of the households in and by itself, even absent banking and other crises, is a process associated with dramatically reduced economic activity and growth.

Households struggling with a debt overhang are effectively removed from being active participants in the economy. Indebted households do not save, thus depleting their future pensions provisions and reducing overall levels of investment in the economy. Indebted households tend to cut back their consumption, both in terms of large-ticket durable goods and in terms of everyday items. They also reduce consumption of higher-quality higher-cost goods, adversely impacting domestic producers in higher-cost economies, like Ireland, favoring more competitively priced imports.

With banks beating on their doors, indebted households abstain from entrepreneurship and engage less actively in seeking improved employment opportunities. The latter means that indebted households, fearing even a short-term spell in unemployment, do not seek to better align their skills and talents, as well as future prospects for promotion with jobs offers. This, in turn, implies loss of productivity for the economy at large. The former means slower rate and more risk-averse entrepreneurship resulting in further reduction in future growth potential for the economy.

Last, but not least, household debt overhang results in increased rates of psychological and even psychiatric disorders, incidences of self-harm, suicide, stress and social dislocations. These effects have a direct and adverse impact on public services, the economy and the society at large.

In Irish context, the effects of household debt overhang (most acutely expressed in mortgages arrears) are likely to be significantly larger than in normal debt crises episodes and last longer.

Consider the sheer magnitude of the problem. In an average debt crisis, household debt arrears peak at around 7-10% of the total debt outstanding. Per latest data from the Central of Bank of Ireland, at the end of 2012, 143,851 private residential mortgages accounts and 37,995 buy-to-let accounts were in arrears. Total number of mortgages in arrears represented 19% of all mortgages outstanding.  Total balance of mortgages in arrears amounted to EUR35.4 billion, or 25% of the entire mortgages-related debt. Mortgages at risk of default or defaulted (defined as all currently in arrears, relating to properties with repossession orders and mortgages restructured during the crisis, but currently not in arrears) amounted to 238,663 accounts and EUR45.3 billion of the outstanding debt, or 25.3% and 31.9% of the respective totals.

Given expected losses from the above mortgages in the case of repossessions and/or insolvency, and inclusive of the interest costs due on this unproductive debt, over the next 3 years Irish economy is likely to face direct losses from this mortgages crisis to the tune of EUR20 billion. This will reduce our current level of gross fixed capital formation in the economy by 40 percent in every year through 2015.

In indirect costs, the crisis currently is impacting some 650,000-700,000 individuals living in the households with mortgages at risk, as well as countless others either in the negative equity or arrears on unsecured debt (credit cards, credit unions’ loans, utility bills etc).  Using basic cost of health insurance coverage, the relationship between health insurance spend in Ireland and cost of public healthcare, and assuming that annual cost of higher stress associated with debt overhang amount to just 10% of the total annual insurance costs, direct health costs alone from the debt crisis can add up to EUR400-500 million per annum. Factoring productivity losses due to stress, the total social, psychological and psychiatric costs of the mortgages arrears can run over a billion.

Costs of foregone entrepreneurship are even harder to quantify, but can be gauged from the overall decline in investment. In 2012 the shortfall in aggregate domestic investment activity compared to 1999-2003 annual average (taking the period before the rapid acceleration in property bubble) was running at ca EUR6.9-7.0 billion. This shortfall is roughly comparable to the above estimated annualized cost of servicing defaulting and at risk mortgages. Gross investment in Ireland is now running at a rate not seen since 1997.  Meanwhile, net expenditure by the local and central Government on current goods and services is running above 2005 levels, same as personal consumption of goods and services. This suggests that our current rates of domestic investment and associated entrepreneurship are down more significantly than personal and Government spending.

In some sectors, things are even worse.  Construction sector is clearly seeing no turnaround with new residential construction permits down 88% in 2012 on the peak, heading for historical low of estimated full-year 14,022 permits based on data through Q3 2012. Extending mortgage arrears crisis or deepening the households’ already significant debt overhang through the means of forcing them into repaying the unsustainable loans will only exacerbate the crisis in Irish construction sector and in all sectors of domestic economy.

In years to come, the mortgages crisis today is likely to cost Irish economy around 10% of our GNP.

And it is unlikely to ease significantly any time soon, since the above costs exclude the effects of likely acceleration in mortgages defaults in months and years to come due to the adverse policy and economic headwinds.

Firstly, ongoing fiscal consolidation is shifting more burden of paying for our State onto the shoulders of Irish households, including those subsumed by the debt crisis. This process is not going to end with Budget 2014.

Secondly, reform of the personal insolvency regime will add fuel to the fire by giving banks disproportional powers over the households in structuring long-term solutions to the mortgages distress. Changes to the Central Bank code of conduct for the banks in dealing with borrowers, along with the accelerated targets for restructuring non-performing mortgages announced this week are likely to push the banks to more aggressively deal with the borrowers. These factors will amplify the rate of mortgages arrears build up, driving more households into temporary relief measures. These measures will structured by the banks in absence of transparent and efficient consumer protection to suit banks’ objectives of extracting all resources out of households for as long as possible before forcing the households into bankruptcy in the end.

Finally, mortgages arrears will continue to rise on foot of weak economic growth and continued re-orientation of the Irish economy away from domestic activity toward MNCs. This headwind closes the loop from the household debt overhang to depressed domestic investment to higher unemployment and lower domestic growth to an even greater debt overhang.

In order to deal with the mortgages crisis, we need a prescriptive approach to long-term solutions based on principles of borrower protection, standardization and transparency.

All lenders operating in Ireland should be required to publish a full list of solutions offered to the distressed borrowers which complies with the minimum standards set out by the Central Bank and a borrowers’ protection watchdog, such as reformed and independent Mabs. The financial criteria and conditions that qualify borrowers for such solutions should be disclosed. The process of finalizing the details of solutions should involve borrowers supported by an adviser, fully resourced to deal with the lender and independent from the lender and the state.

Only by matching borrower and lender powers and resources in a transparent and strictly supervised manner can we achieve a resolution to this crisis. Until then, this economy will continue operating well below its potential rate of growth, condemning generations of Irish people to debt slavery. The status quo of the state granting ever increasing powers to the banks in dealing with mortgages arrears is not sustainable and is likely to lead to both economic misery, continued emigration, and in the long run to political and social discontent. Sixth year into the mortgages crisis of extremely acute nature, we can not afford another round of half-measures and fake solutions.

Box-out:

This week auction of Irish bonds put to some test the theory of yields divergence with the euro area periphery. Compared to Italian Government bonds auction carried out on the same day, Irish 10 year bonds were greeted by the markets with a cheer.  While supportive of the analysts’ consensus view that Ireland is decoupling from the peripheral states, such as Italy, Portugal and Spain, the results of the auction were at least in part driven by factors outside the Irish Government control. This was the first 10 year bond issuance for Ireland in 3 years and the issue came without much of the adverse newsflow surrounding the economy. Complete absence of 10 year bonds in the secondary market prior to the auction assured some of the demand. For Italy, this was the first auction following Fitch downgrade of the sovereign to Baa1 rating – fresh in the memory of the markets. Italian newsflow has also been disappointing recently with elections outcome unnerving the markets and with GDP figures (Italy has reported its 2012 full year growth almost a month ahead of Ireland, which is still to post results for Q4 2012).

Just how much of this week’s result for Ireland can be accounted for by the factors unrelated to the Government policies or real economic performance is impossible to determine. Nonetheless, Minister Noonan’s cheerful references to the auction as ‘extraordinary’ in nature sounds more like a political PR opportunism than of financial realism.

23/3/2013: Sunday Times 10/03/2013

This is an unedited version of my Sunday Times article from March 10.


Some two years ago in these very pages, I have described the prospects for the Irish economy as following a flatline trend with occasional volatility. In other words, back in the beginning of 2010, the economy’s prospects for the near-term future were consistent with an L-shaped recovery: stabilization followed by near-zero growth.

Taking the first three quarters of 2012, in headline terms, the above prediction has translated into 2009 to 2012 GDP growth of just 0.22% per annum, GNP decline of  0.16% per annum and domestic demand drop of 4.81% per annum. Again, let’s take a look at the above numbers from a different angle. Compared to the pre-crisis levels, the latest GDP data shows that over 2011-2012, Irish economy was able to close just 22% of the gap between GDP peak and the Great Recession trough, implying that it will take Ireland through the end of 2014 before we get our GDP back to the half-point of the Great Recession. At the same time, Domestic demand continued to hit crisis period lows in 2012 and all international projections show that 2013 will be another post-2007 low for these data series.

With these rather depressing statistics in mind, one is warranted to take with a grain of salt ever-more frequent and boisterous pronouncements from the Government that Irish economy has ‘turned the corner’. Ditto for the ever-more saccharine messages from the EU policymakers to the ‘best pupil’ in their austerity policies ‘class’.

And the most recent data – through Q4 2012 and January-February 2013 – is offering no signs of any statistically significant improvements in the economy compared to the rather abysmal 2012.

Mortgages arrears were once again up in the last quarter of 2012. While the rate of increases was markedly slower than in previous quarters, number of accounts currently in arrears 21.4% year on year. As of the end of 2012, some 186,785 private residencies-related mortgages are either in arrears, in temporary restructuring or in the process of repossessions – almost 25% of all accounts outstanding  if we were to use as the base total accounts numbers comparable across the 2009-2012 horizon.  All in, some 650,000-700,000 Irish residents are currently under water when it comes to paying on their original mortgages. Some turnaround in the economy to witness.

Data for January-February 2013 on new cars registrations shows that not only the motor trade is continuing to suffer from on-going collapse in sales, but that there is no indication of any substantial improvement in either the Irish households or the Irish SMEs outlook for the future. New private cars registrations are down 20% year-on-year over the first two months of 2013, while new goods vehicles registrations are down 21.4%. This shows clearly that Irish consumers are not engaged in purchasing large-ticket items and, supported by the declines in durable goods consumption evident in the retail sales data, signals that consumers have little real credence in the ‘green shoots’ theory espoused by our Government officials and business leaders. Lack of demand uplift in goods vehicles, on the other hand, shows that when it comes to capital investment, Irish businesses are also refusing to buy the hype of economic turnaround. In any cyclical recovery, capital expenditure, especially on rapidly depreciating items such as vehicles used in transporting goods for wholesale and retail trade, logistics and transportation services, is one of the leading indicators of improving economic conditions. Data for the first two months of this year shows no such uplift.

Core retail sales, once stripping out motor sales, are showing a slightly more upbeat activity. While all retail business activity has declined on average over 3 months through January 2013 compared to year ago, some encouraging signs of uplift were present in the Department Stores sales, and sales of electrical goods when it comes to volume and value of sales. Nonetheless, two factors continue to characterize Irish domestic consumption: extremely low activity from which any increases might take place, and exceptionally anemic trend in any rises we do record.

On the investment front, gross domestic capital investment remained basically unchanged in the first 3 quarters of 2012 compared to 2011,ann there are currently no signs that this situation has changed since the end of Q3 2012. We are now into the fourth consecutive year of gross investment failing to cover amortisation and depreciation of the capital stock accumulated over the years of the Celtic Tiger. Recalling that our growth success over 1992-1998 was predicated on a rapid catching up in capital stock and quality relative to our, at the time more prosperous European partners, this means that the ongoing crisis is effectively erasing any capital gains achieved post 1999.

In short, domestic side of the economy shows no green shoots of any harvestable variety. And the potential headwinds we are likely to face in the near-term future are still severe.

In property markets and when it comes to mortgages arrears, we face a long list of risks that are yet to play out.  Impacts of property taxes introduced in the Budget 2013, the upcoming lifting of the banking guarantees,  and the saga of the Personal Insolvency regime reforms all represent distinct threats to the fragile stabilisations achieved in these areas of the economy.

On business investment front risks are also mounting, rather than abating. Continued lack of bank credit and strong indications that in the near term Irish banks are likely to follow their other Euro area counterparts in dramatically hiking the retail interest rates for both existent and new loans.

When it comes to consumers’ appetite for spending, latest consumer confidence data shows significant deterioration in confidence in February, compared to January 2013 and to 2012 average. If anything, when it comes to consumers’ reported outlook for 2013, things are getting worse relative to 2012, rather than better.

Which leaves us with the Government’s old favorite signal of the recovery: Irish exports.  The hype about Irish external trade prowess is such, that even a usually somber IMF has recently waded in with a lengthy paper outlining how Ireland is likely to turn back to Celtic Tiger era prosperity on foot of booming exports.  In summary, the IMF missive, titled Boosting Competitiveness to Grow Out of Debt – Can Ireland Find a Way Back to Its Future concluded that “Ireland is poised to return to its path of strong growth and low imbalances” on foot of “enhanced competitiveness”.

The idea that ‘exports-led recovery’ is Ireland’s only salvation from the systemic and structural crises we face is not new. Previous Government put as much credence into this proposition as the current one. Alas, this idea – as I have pointed out repeatedly – is simply not reflected in the reality of the Irish economy for a number of reasons.

It is true that Irish exports growth has improved significantly during 2009-2012 period, rising from negative 3.75% in 2009 to a positive 6.25% in 2010 and 5% in 2011. In the first three quarters of 2012, exports of goods and services were up 6.8% on the same period of 2011.

Alas, the composition of our exports has shifted dramatically toward more services exports, as opposed to goods exports. In addition to reducing the overall level of real economic activity and employment associated with every euro worth of exports, this shift also has meant a number of changes that further divorce our external trade activity from economy. Firstly, most of employment creation in the exports-oriented services sectors, such as International Finance and ICT services, is oriented toward specialist, highly educated foreign employees, instead of domestic unemployed or underemployed individuals. Secondly, services exports are associated with greater cost (or imports) intensities as they require higher payments for patents and intellectual property, which are neither taxed in Ireland, nor are developed here. This means that while exports of services generate high revenues, much of these revenues is not captured within our economy. Thirdly, exports of services, as opposed to exports of goods, are more concentrated in a handful of giant MNCs. This fact, known as the ‘Google effect’ drives up the cost of hiring skilled workers for Irish SMEs, reduces margins at Irish enterprises, lowers investment into Irish SMEs, and actually undermines our competitiveness, rather than improving it.

In short, booming exports along the current trend can actually cost this economy its ability to sustain indigenous entrepreneurship and investment in the long run. Instead of supporting growth and recovery, the green shoots of some of our exporting activities can turn out to be super-strong weeds of the economy suffering from a classical Dutch disease where resources flow to an increasingly inefficient use in specialist sectors, exposing the society and the economy at large to future adverse shocks.

Lastly, as with other indicators, the latest data, covering only goods exports, shows that our external trade is suffering from a significant slowdown in global demand and the pharmaceutical sector patent cliff. Once again, I warned about both of these factors more than a year ago.

At the same time, on the more positive note, the ongoing US and global economic recovery should provide some support for goods exports from Ireland, especially in the areas relating to capital investment goods and equipment in months ahead.

In short, the miracle of the ‘exports-led recovery’ is simply nowhere to be seen at this point in time, despite the fact that exporting activity continues to expand and despite the fact that this activity represents the only bright spot on our economic horizon.

After five years of the greatest economic crisis in the modern history of this nation, it is time to ask our political leaders a question: at what point in time does one’s rhetoric of economic turnarounds becomes an unbearable burden to one’s political and social reputation? For the previous Government it took just under 3 years to face the music of its own making. For this Government, the clock is ticking on.

Box-out:

Having achieved a relatively underwhelming progress on restructuring the Promissory Notes of the IBRC, the Government has turned its attention in recent weeks on attempting to restructure our debts to the European sides of the Troika. However, the issue of the Promissory Notes is still an open topic. Last week at a conference in Brussels I had a chance to speak to some senior decision makers from the European Parliament and the EU Commission who unanimously voiced their concern over the potential for the ECB to alter the terms and conditions of the Irish Promissory Notes restructuring deal. ECB has two material powers to do so. Firstly, it can simply alter by a majority decision the technical aspects of the deal. Secondly, the ECB has the ultimate power to determine the overall schedule of the sales of the long-term bonds issued to replace the Promissory Notes to the private investors. This latter power is very significant. Under the current arrangement, the Central Bank of Ireland has committed to an annual schedule of minimum disposals of bonds. Based on this schedule, the cumulative long-term benefit of the deal to Ireland can be estimated in the range of Euro 4.5-6.3 billion over the 40 years horizon. Accelerating the rate of disposals by a third on average over the deal horizon can see the net gains to the Exchequer declining by more than a quarter. Hardly a confidence-inspiring outcome for the Government that put so much hype behind the deal.

22/3/2013: National Accounts 2012: Ireland - Part 3

The first post of the series covering 2012 National Accounts looked at the headline numbers for real GDP growth. 

The second post covered sectoral weights in GNP and our GDP/GNP gap.

Overall, there are two main themes in rebalancing of the economy that showed up in data so far: 

1) Increasing share of MNCs activity in GDP (and temporarily GNP), which means that the official figures for the National Accounts now even more overestimate the real economic activity in the country; and

2) Long-term falling out of Agriculture, Forestry & Fishing and Construction sectors from the economy, with Public Administration & Defence clearly showing signs of contraction, albeit at the rate that is, so far, trailing contraction in overall economy over the period 2003-2012.

In this post, let's take a look at the opportunity cost of the crisis.

Recall that relative to peak, Irish GDP is down 5.97% as of the end of 2012 and GNP is down 8.08% despite 'two years of consecutive growth' the Government is so keen on emphasising. 

Also recall that 1980-2011 average growth rates in constant prices terms were 3.58% per annum, whilst IMF forecasts consistent structural or potential growth rate is currently around 2%. Using 2% figure we can, therefore, estimate the opportunity cost of the current crisis as losses to GDP and GNP arising from the growth foregone during the crisis. Chart below illustrates:

The grand total in opportunity cost due to the crisis (note, this is not an exercise in 'blaming the Government' or providing any estimate of real or actual losses, but rather an estimate of the opportunity cost of the crisis) is:

-- EUR104.5bn of cumulated foregone GDP for 2008-2012 or per-capita EUR22,823;

-- EUR58.8bn of cumulated foregone GNP for 2008-2012 or EUR12,828 per capita

With taxes net of subsidies at 9.647% of the GDP in 2012, the above implies roughly EUR10.1bn in foregone net tax receipts or ca EUR2bn in annual receipts. Using 2008-2012 average weight of net taxes in GDP implies EUR2.4bn in foregone annual net tax receipts.

What does this mean? Aside from the massive opportunity cost of the crisis, we have a rather revealing figure on foregone tax receipts. The figure clearly suggests that even were economic activity running at the 2% growth rate since 2007 without the crisis, re-alignment of economic activity away from domestic sectors toward MNCs-dominated activities and toward MNCs-dominated services activities in particular would still result in unsustainable deficits and would still required some sort of a fiscal adjustment, thanks to our taxation system that is extremely unbalanced when it comes to supporting MNCs-focused activities.

22/3/2013: Cypriot Plan B - any better than Plan A?

So the reports are that Cyprus has a Plan B. And the outlines of the Plan - filtering through yesterday - are quite delusional.

The Plan consists of 3 main bits:

1. Split Laiki bank (see below) into a good and a bad bank. The 'bad' bank will take on deposits of over 100K and deposits under 100K (guaranteed by the State) will be shifted into 'good' bank. Other banks will be recapitalised but there are no specific as to how, when or to what levels of capital. This stage of the Plan aims to reduce the recapitalisation costs by about €2.3bn. The problems with this stage are massive, however. First: smaller depositors are more likely to run on the bank as they are less likely to have termed deposits and as their withdrawals (even under capital controls to be imposed - see below) will be less restricted than for larger depositors. In other words, the Plan B is likely to reduce stability of deposits and funding in the resulting 'good' bank. Second: while Cypriot banking system losses are currently crystallised, reducing uncertainty for any recapitalization, there is no guarantee that depositors flight will not undermine their balance sheets beyond capital injections repair. Thirdly: the new 'good' bank will have a balance sheet (again, see table below) saddled with massive exposure to ELA & ECB funding at ca 40% of the total liabilities. If associated assets move along with larger depositors, it is likely that ECB funding ratio to Assets is going to be close to 50%. How on earth can this be called a 'good' bank beats me.

2. Step two in the delirious process of Plan B repairs of the Cypriot banking system will be the creation of a sovereign wealth fund backed by state, church, central bank and pension funds 'assets'. Even 'future gas revenues' are thrown into the pot. Put simply, the fund will be a direct raid on state pension funds, state properties and enterprises and gold reserves. It will also contain a direct link to the collective psychosis induced by the crisis - the pipe dream of Cypriot 'Saudi Arabia of the Mediterranean' Republic. Honestly, folks, this crisis has taught us one thing: the quantity of hope-for oil & gas reserves in the country is directly proportional to the degree of economic / financial / fiscal insolvency of the nation. So, having set up a bogus and bizarre fund (with hodgepodge of assets and a rich dose of 'dreamin in the night' claims to assets) the state will issue 6-year bonds against these 'assets' to raise some €2.5bn. Now, what idiot is going to voluntarily buy into this fund is quite unclear at this stage, but presumably, with bond yields set at crippling levels, the fund will find some ready buyers.

3. Step 3: the remaining shortfall of €1bn is to be covered through a small deposit levy on deposits above 100K.


Laiki bank latest balance sheet summary is provided (via Global Macro Monitor) here:

It is a whooper… with Assets at EUR30.375bn the bank is over 178% of Cypriot GDP. Deposits are at 105% of GDP.

The question is whether this plan, even if acceptable to the EU and ECB, will prevent or even restrict the deposits flight once the Cypriot banking system opens up. The EU Commission is working with Cypriot Government on developing capital controls to stem outflow of funds. But there are serious questions as to whether such capital controls can be imposed in the country that is part of the common market.

Another pesky problem is whether the bonds issued by the fund in Step 2 above will count toward Government debt. Presumably, EU can allow any sort of fudge to be created (e.g. Nama SPV in Ireland) to avoid such recognition. If not, then whole Plan B is a random flop of a dead whale beached on Cypriot shores…

Third pesky issue is what happens if the Fund goes bust. With pension funds committed to it, will the Cypriot state simply default on all of its pensions obligations? deport its pensioners to Northern Cyprus? whack the remaining (I doubt there will be any) Russian 'oligarchs' once again? or invade Switzerland? The Cypriot Government attempted to dress up the Plan B as the means to avoiding hitting small savers and ordinary people with the bank levy. It so far seems like risky leveraging of ordinary retirees and future retirees to plug the very same hole that would have been created in their budgets by the deposits levy.


Meanwhile, here's the question for those reading this blog in Ireland: According to the ESCB Statures Article 14.3, the Governing Council of ECB can make a determination to shut off liquidity assistance to the national banking system only on foot of a 2/3rd majority vote. The ECB Council did announce such a move for Cyprus comes Monday. This implies that at least one peripheral state National Central Bank governor casted the vote against Cyprus. Would that have been our Patrick Honohan, one wonders, given the frequent propensity of Irish officials to kick other peripheral states in order to gain small favours from the EU/ECB?

22/3/2013: National Accounts 2012: Ireland - Part 2

The first post of the series covering 2012 National Accounts looked at the headline numbers for real GDP growth (link here).

This post covers sectoral weights in GNP and our GDP/GNP gap.

In terms of the latter, GDP/GNP gap in 2012 stood at 22.02% in favour of GDP, down from the record 25.0% in 2011, but still the third highest in 2003-2012 period. The trend remains up and latest decline in the gap clearly appears to be mean-reverting adjustment similar to the pattern established since 2005-2006.

The above suggests that over time we can expect upward movement in the gap, leading to the contraction in GNP (either in growth terms or even in levels). For example, adjusting 2012 GNP for 3-year average gap implies lower GNP by some 0.3% or EUR378mln, adjusting the same for 3-year average annual growth rates in the gap implies GNP lower by EUR3.0bn or 2%.

While the above exercises are highly stylised and should not be taken as rigorous assessments, they show clearly that volatility in our GNP induced by the MNCs transfers of profits abroad is significant and renders some of the y/y comparatives highly suspect.

Now on to sectoral contributions to the economy:

• Agriculture, Forestry & Fishing share of GNP declined from 2.4% in 2011 to 2.1% in 2012, thus falling back to where it was at the peak of the property and construction boom in 2006. This is the joint-lowest sector weight in GNP in 2003-2012 series with 2006 being another year of lowest contribution. Put simply, we have a Department out there in the Civil Service that is overseeing something that amounts to only 2.1% of the economy and not once in 2003-2012 period amounted anything more than 2.9%. In fact, 2003-2012 average contribution for the sector is just 2.53% with subsidies from EU accounting for much of that. You don't have to be a genius to see that the 'Food Island' ideal is just a pipe dream when it comes to our own production levels. We might have a larger food sector, but it is not dependent critically on our agricultural sector.
• Industry accounted for 28.4% of GNP, down from 29.3% in 2011. 2003-2012 average contribution is 30.24% which shows overall the secular decline in the sector importance. Most of this decline was driven by the collapse of Building & Construction sector which went from 9.9% share in 2004 to 1.4% share in 2012 - massive 8 years of consecutive declines. Ex-Construction, Irish industry (well, mostly MNCs) have grown in their share of GNP contribution from 24.6% in 2003 to 27% in 2012.
• Distribution, Transport & Comms sector share remained relatively static at 27.5% of GDP in 2012 compared to 27.6% in 2011 when it heir the record levels for 2003-2012 period.
• In line with the declines in overall activity, Public Administration and Defence sector posted a decrease in its share of GNP from 5.9% in 2011 to 5.5% in 2012. Still: back in 2003-2006 the sector was running at 3.9% to 4.1% and 2003-2012 average is still 5.2% - below the current running levels. 
• Other Services sector importance in GNP contribution fell back from 46.7% in 2011 to 45.2% in 2012 and the sector is now slightly behind the 46% average for 2003-2012.
• Taxes Net of Subsidies slipped further from 12.4% in 2011 to 11.8% in 2012. The 2003-2012 peak was in 2007 at 16.1%.

Thus, overall, there are two main themes in rebalancing of the economy: 

1. Increasing share of MNCs activity in GDP (and temporarily GNP), which means that the official figures for the National Accounts now even more overestimate the real economic activity in the country; and
2. Long-term falling out of Agriculture, Forestry & Fishing and Construction sectors from the economy, with Public Administration & Defence clearly showing signs of contraction, albeit at the rate that is, so far, trailing contraction in overall economy over the period 2003-2012.

21/3/2013: National Accounts 2012: Ireland - Part 1

This is the first post on the QNA data for National Accounts for 2012 released today.

In this post, let's take a look at the National Accounts in Constant Market Prices Terms for GDP disaggregation by Sector of Origin.

Top-line results:

• Agriculture, forestry and fishing sector (the 'Food Island' thingy) posted a big decline y/y in 2012 in overall activity, down from EUR3,049bn to EUR2,744bn between 2011 and 2012. The sector is now down 30.6% on peak (2005) activity and 20.4% below the 2003-2012 average level of annual activity. Sector activity is down 27.1% on 2003. In brief, this is the sector is in the fifth consecutive year of contractions. 
• Industry activity rose marginally in 2012 to EUR37.269bn from EUR 37.168bn in 2011 (up 0.27% y/y). The pace of annual increases slipped from 1.88% in 2010 to 1.76% in 2011 and to 0.27% in 2012. The sector activity is down 20.53% on peak (2004) and down 9.43% on 2003-2012 average, with sector activity now running at 17.03% below 2003 levels.
• As the sub sector of Industry, Building & Construction activity continued to decline in 2012, marking 8th consecutive year of decline since the peak in 2004. The sub-sector activity dropped to EUR1.857bn in 2012 down 7.38% on 2011 level with 2012 being the first year since 2008 when activity y/y declines were in single digits percentage terms. Needless to say, the sub-sector activity is now running 86.4% below peak levels, 72.3% below 2003-2012 average and 85.1% below 2003 levels.
• Distribution, Transport and Communications sector activity rose 3.09% y/y in 2012 to mark another year of record activity at EUR36.125bn. The rate of growth y/y was robust, but behind 3.88% recorded in 2011 and 4.7% in 2010. The sector activity is now running at 25.8% ahead of 2003-2012 average and 66.71% up on 2003 level. Good performance.
• Public Administration & Defence sector didn't do a hell of a lot over the year, posting EUR7.236bn contribution to GDP in 2012, down 4.17% y/y. This was a deeper contraction than 3.58% decline in 2011, but shallower than 5.6% drop in 2010 and 4.5% in 2009. The sector activity overall is now down 16.7% on peak (2008) and is 2.93% ahead of the 2003-2012 average, while overall activity level is up massive 34.4% on 2003 level. All in, the sector is the only other sector (in addition to Distribution, Transport & Communications) that sees its activity running ahead of 2003 levels.
• Other services (including rents) sector activity rose from EUR59.252bn in 2011 to EUR59.372bn in 2012 in constant prices terms, up 0.2%, marking the first year of growth since the peak in 2006. The sector overall performance is now 5.03% below 2003-2012 average and is 0.7% behind 2003 levels.

All in, as mentioned above, only two sectors of economy are currently (end of 2012) up on 2003 levels of activity once we control for inflation: Distribution, Transport & Communications and Public Administration & Defence.

Taxes net of Subsidies fell marginally from EUR15.769bn in 2011 to EUR15.456bn in 2012, down 1.98% y/y. The rate of decline has now accelerated once again from 1.13% in 2011, but is behind 2.65% drop in 2010. Compared to peak (2006), Taxes Net of Subsidies are down 32.9% and down 17.6% on 2003-2012 average. This category contribution to GDP is now down 15% on 2003 levels once we adjust for inflation.

Overall GDP at constant market prices rose to EUR160.214bn from EUR158.725bn in 2011 up 0.94% y/y, posting slower rate of growth than 1.43% in 2011. The GDP, adjusted for inflation now stands at 5.97% below the peak at 2007 and 1.11% below 2003-2012 average. Compared to 2003 GDP is up 4.74%.

Net Factor Income from the Rest of the World recorded another outflow from Ireland of EUR28.908bn in 2012, down on outflow of EUR31.742 bn in 2011, marking the second highest rate of annual outflows during 2003-2012 period.

Lower outflows and higher GDP helped push GNP up to EUR131.306bn in 2012 from EUR126.983bn in 2011, a rise of 3.4% y/y, reversing 2.47% decline in 2011 and up on 0.94% increase in 2010. Relative to peak (2007) GNP is now down 9.61% and GNP is down 3.41% on 2003-2012 average. Compared to 2003 the GNP stands at -0.45%.

So overall, 2012 did post growth of 0.94% on GDP side in real terms and a more robust gain of 3.4% on GNP side. However, both expanded on foot of external sectors and factors, namely marginal growth in Industry (+0.27% y/y marking big slowdown on 2011 growth), Distribution, Transport & Communications (+3.09% y/y in 2012 marking another slowdown on 2011 growth rates) and Other Services (+0.2% y/y - an improvement on contraction of -0.93% in 2011). GNP growth was also underpinned by reduced outflow of funds from multinationals abroad, which is a temporary factor, likely to be reversed once MNCs begin new investment outside Ireland.

In the next post I will cover sectoral weights and GDP/GNP gap.

18/3/2013: Irish Corporate Tax Haven in the News, Again...

As you know, I have been gradually building up a record of articles in international and Irish media detailing the tax haven nature of our (Irish) tax laws and practices when it comes to corporation tax.

Here is the link to a new article by the WSJ on the topic:
http://online.wsj.com/article/SB10001424127887324034804578348131432634740.html

And here is a link to the most recent compilation of information & articles on the topic from my blog:
http://trueeconomics.blogspot.ie/2013/02/1822013-oecd-on-corpo-tax-havens-for-g20.html

15/3/2013: IMF Assessment of the Euro Area Banking Sector Risks - part 4

This is the fourth post on today's release by the IMF of the 2013 Financial System Stability Assessment Report for European Union report, and probably last.

The first post - summarising top-line conclusion from the Technical Note on Progress with Bank Restructuring and Resolution in Europe is available here: http://trueeconomics.blogspot.ie/2013/03/1532013-imf-assessment-of-euro-area.html

The second post dealt with the Technical Note coverage of the Non-Performing Loans issues: http://trueeconomics.blogspot.ie/2013/03/1532013-imf-assessment-of-euro-area_15.html

The third part focused on the real economy side of the banking sector risks within the euro area: http://trueeconomics.blogspot.ie/2013/03/1532013-imf-assessment-of-euro-area_5878.html

And related Country Risk Survey study for Q1 2013 covering euro area banking sector risks is available here: http://trueeconomics.blogspot.ie/2013/03/1532013-irish-banks-still-second.html .


This note is focusing on the actual report itself: European Union: Financial Sector Stability Assessment.


Top-level assessment:

Per IMF: "Much has been achieved to address the recent financial crisis in Europe, but vulnerabilities remain and intensified efforts are needed across a wide front:

• "Bank balance sheet repair. Progress toward strong capital buffers needs to be secured and disclosures enhanced. To reinforce the process, selective asset quality reviews should be conducted by national authorities, coordinated at the EU level." [In Irish context, the real review should be carried out, imo, across the quality of capital claimed to be present on banks balance sheets. Rating agencies have highlighted the Ponzi-like risk scheme whereby contingent capital measures are provided by the Sovereign supports whereby neither the Sovereign, nor the banking system can actually sustain a call on capital of any appreciable volume. Asset quality reviews are also needed, as Irish banks are carrying large exposures to unsustainable and already defaulting mortgages.]
• "Fast and sustained progress toward an effective Single Supervisory Mechanism (SSM) and the banking union (BU). This is needed to anchor financial stability in the euro area (EA) and for ongoing crisis management. The European Stability Mechanism (ESM) is to take up its role to directly recapitalize banks as soon as the SSM becomes effective." [It is pretty much clear now that ESM is not going to be deployed unless significant pressure rises on Italy and/or Spain. In this context, calling for 'effective' ESM is like calling for a 'real' Santa Claus. Meanwhile, neither the SSM nor BU can be expected to become functional any time soon. The institutions behind both are yet to be defined, let alone fully legislated. And from legislation line, it's a long distance still to functionality.]

"Restoring financial stability in the EU has been a major challenge. The initial policy response to the crisis was handicapped by the absence of robust national, EU-wide and EA-wide crisis management frameworks. In a low-growth environment,
several EU countries are still struggling to regain competitiveness, fiscal sustainability, and sound private sector balance sheets. Their financial systems are facing funding pressures as a result of excessive leverage, risky business models, and an adverse feedback loop with sovereigns and the real economy."
[This is significant across a number of points. Firstly, in contrast to the European leadership claimed wisdom, the IMF clearly links banking crisis not just to sovereign crisis, but to the real economy, and these links follow not just balance sheet line, but the line of private sector debts. Secondly, the IMF clearly believes that private sector debt overhang is a core structural problem and has contagion implications across the entire system. EU leaders, even in countries heavily impacted by debt overhang, like Ireland, are solely obsessed with banks balance sheets (less) and sovereign finances (more).]

"Much has been done to address these challenges… Nevertheless, financial stability has not been assured. Recent Financial Sector Assessment Program (FSAP) assessments of individual EU member states have noted remaining vulnerabilities to:

• stresses and dislocations in wholesale funding markets; 
• a loss of market confidence in sovereign debt; 
• further downward movements in asset prices; and 
• downward shocks to growth." 

"These vulnerabilities are exacerbated by

• the high degree of concentration in the banking sector; 
• regulatory and policy uncertainty; and 
• the major gaps in the policy framework that still need to be filled."

"The SSM—while critically important––represents only one of a number of crucial steps that need to be taken to fill key gaps in the EU’s financial oversight framework.

• "As crisis tensions abate, it is important that the implicit unlimited sovereign guarantees in place for the last several years be effectively removed through affirmation and implementation of the principle that institutions with solvency problems must be resolved." [Note: in Ireland's case once again there is a departure from this principle - we are, simply put, not resolving insolvent institutions presence in the market. Instead, we are continuing to deleverage and consolidate the insolvent banking sector at the expense of its future viability and current borrowers and non-financial companies requiring credit. Resolving insolvency - especially after 4.5 years of supports - requires shutting down insolvent banks. That would de facto mean survival of the Bank of Ireland and significantly slimmed down AIB. And that's all. None else. We are far, far away from the Government even considering such an action, which means that the zombified banking sector will continue extract excessive rents out of stressed borrowers and businesses in this country for years to come all to dress up the banking sector 'stabilisation' whilst achieving no structural resolution of the crisis.]
• "The Single Resolution Mechanism (SRM) should become operational at around the same time as the SSM becomes effective. Resolution should aim to minimize costs to taxpayers, as well as to deposit insurance and resolution funds, without disrupting financial stability." [The sheer nonsense of this statement is exposed by the core EU authorities insistence that ESM will not apply retrospectively. In other words, the ESM will be a promise of a miracle cure to the dying patient contingent of the patient surviving for a number of years required to devise the cure. And the same applies to the last two points below.]
• "This should be accompanied by agreement on a time-bound roadmap to set up a single resolution authority, and common deposit guarantee scheme (DGS), with common backstops." 
• "Guidelines for the ESM to directly recapitalize banks need to be clarified as soon as possible, so that it becomes operational as soon as the SSM is effective."

So here you go, folks, per IMF, there's an ambulance to help the injured, but currently it exists only on the paper and even as such it is still pretty much unworkable. Good luck with setting up that triage, mates.

15/3/2013: IMF Assessment of the Euro Area Banking Sector Risks - part 3

This is the third post on today's release by the IMF of the 2013 Financial System Stability Assessment Report for European Union report.


The first post - summarising top-line conclusion from the Technical Note on Progress with Bank Restructuring and Resolution in Europe is available here: http://trueeconomics.blogspot.ie/2013/03/1532013-imf-assessment-of-euro-area.html

The second post dealt with the Technical Note coverage of the Non-Performing Loans issues: http://trueeconomics.blogspot.ie/2013/03/1532013-imf-assessment-of-euro-area_15.html

And related Euromoney Country Risk Survey study for Q1 2013 covering euro area banking sector risks is available here: http://trueeconomics.blogspot.ie/2013/03/1532013-irish-banks-still-second.html .

This note is focusing on the Technical Note on Financial Integration and Fragmentation in the European Union.


Let's start with a fascinating chart showing the sources of financing for the real economy in the EU compared to the US:

The scary bit here is the overall significant imbalances built in the system of financing in the EA17, compared to Denmark, and to the US:

• Thin bond markets across ALL euro area states
• Inexistent private credit markets
• Imbalanced over-reliance on bank credit
• In the case of Ireland, Netherlands, Spain, Cyprus, Portugal, Austria, Italy, Germany, Malta, Finland and Greece - mature markets were characterised with exceptionally thin or thin equity markets

And as chart below shows, euro area is also suffering from extreme over-concentration of the banking credit markets in the hands of the 'globally systemically important banks' (G-SIBs):

Per IMF: "The main EU banking systems are dominated by a set of globally systemically important banks (G-SIBs). These European G-SIBs have grown in size and importance and are highly interconnected with the rest of the global financial system (see Annex 1). Their assets more than tripled since 2000, amounting to US $27 trillion in 2010. As key players in global derivatives and cross-border interbank markets, they are also among the most interconnected GSIBs. European G-SIBs tend to be larger and more leveraged than their peers. In particular, they are very large relative to home country GDP, and in many EU countries, their size may dwarf the capacity of the home government to raise revenues."

Per footnote, this over-concentration is driven by the legacy models of banking in the euro area: "In part this is because European banks tend to follow the universal banking model, which combines a range of retail, corporate, and investment banking activities under one roof. There are some accounting differences that would make the balance sheets of the IFRS-reporting banks appear more “inflated” than the balance sheets of banks reporting under the U.S. GAAP (e.g., netting of derivative and other trading items is only rarely possible under IFRS, but netting is applied whenever counterparty netting agreements are in place under U.S. GAAP)."

Not surprisingly, banking sector stress directly links to the real economy and even more so to the sovereign positions:

And, within the real economy, the crisis is hitting the hardest the SMEs: "The deleveraging process raises concerns about a credit crunch that would particularly affect SMEs. SMEs in peripheral Europe are particularly hard hit by the deleveraging process, as deposit outflows and capital shortages at banks limit the availability and raise the cost of bank loans. Data from the European Commission and European Central Bank Survey on the Access to Finance of SMEs show that the availability of external finance from banks has decreased since 2009 while the demand for external finance has increased.

"However, there is much cross-country variation, with the availability of external finance having deteriorated markedly since 2009 in Greece and Ireland and having remained fairly stable in countries like Finland and Germany. Regression analysis suggests that the deterioration in the supply of credit to SMEs is partly driven by the financial dis-integration process, as measured by the decline in cross-border BIS claims."

Which, of course, is not surprising - Big Banks Dominance = Closer Links to the Governments and Big Business via the Social Partnership / Corporatist models for governance.

So, great stuff, Messr Kenny & Noonan - Irish banks (duopoly-modeled super-concentration with above average links to sovereigns and some of the most aggressive delveraging plans on the books within the EA17) offer as much hope of restarting lending to SMEs as that of sustaining viable rice growing industry in Sahara.


The next post will continue with my analysis of the IMF report and technical notes. Stay tuned for more later tonight.

15/3/2013: IMF Assessment of the Euro Area Banking Sector Risks - part 2

This is the second post on today's release by the IMF of the 2013 Financial System Stability Assessment Report for European Union report.

The first post - summarising top-line conclusion from the Technical Note on Progress with Bank Restructuring and Resolution in Europe is available here:


And related Euromoney Country Risk Survey study for Q1 2013 covering euro area banking sector risks is available here: http://trueeconomics.blogspot.ie/2013/03/1532013-irish-banks-still-second.html .

Some beef on the Non-Performing Loans (NPLs):

"NPLs in EU banks continue to rise, outpacing loan growth (Figure 4). Since 2007, loans to the economy have decreased by 3 percent while NPLs increased by almost 150 percent, i.e., €308 billion in absolute terms. And, this trend shows no sign of reversal, reflecting the continued macro deterioration in parts of the EU and the absence of restructuring."

"When NPLs remain on balance sheets, they absorb management capacity, and continued losses can weaken banks’ profitability. They can also foster forbearance, thereby deterring new investors by impairing transparency. In several countries, independent asset quality reviews and stress tests have facilitated a diagnosis of the quality of banks’ assets, supporting prospects for private recapitalization."

Per IMF note: NPLs have jumped from 2.6 percent in December 2007 to 8.4 percent of total loans in June 2012

Euro area periphery is worst-hit, for obvious reasons: "NPLs across EU banks differ largely, with those in the “peripheral” countries (Greece, Ireland, Italy, Portugal and Spain) witnessing the largest increases. For instance, from December 2007 to June 2012, the NPL ratio for Italy increased by 2.5 times, while in Spain, the increase was seven times (Figure 5). Ireland stands out with average NPLs of around 30 percent, followed by Hungary and Greece. However, definitions in this area remain non-harmonized and impair comparability across the EU".

Now, note that 'turned-the-corner' Ireland is in the league of its own when it comes to NPLs ratio to total loans. Taken to the average ratio of total loans to GDP, Irish NPLs must be absolutely stratospheric.


And now, onto IMF view of the NPL resolution processes in the euro area (again, italics are mine and all quotes are directly from the IMF note):

"Borrower restructuring needs to be facilitated, with legal hurdles lifted. The legal framework should facilitate the restructuring of NPLs and maximize asset recovery. In several EU countries, including Italy, Greece and Portugal, the IMF is involved in bankruptcy/insolvency law reform, including by introducing fast track restructuring tools and out-of-court restructuring process. For instance, repossession of the collateral backing a retail mortgage may take several years in Italy versus few months in Scandinavia and United Kingdom. The asset recovery process is also very prolonged in many EEE countries."

[Do note absence of IMF input in the case of Ireland and that is a general gist of the Note - it simply passes no assessment of the Irish personal insolvency regime 'reforms', which is strange given the prominence of these reforms and the fact that these are the first comprehensive reforms in the euro area periphery. Personally, I read this lack of analysis as the IMF reluctance to endorse the Irish Government approach to the NPLs resolution when it relates to mortgages.]

"An efficient framework for handling NPLs is key to rehabilitate viable borrowers and provide the exit of non-viable borrowers."

[Note the IMF emphasis on rehabilitating viable borrowers AND providing the exit for non-viable borrowers. These twin objectives strike contrast with the Irish Government approach to resolving the personal insolvencies and mortgages crises. Instead of rehabilitating viable borrowers, the Irish Government is pursuing an approach of giving the banks full power to avoid any writedowns of the loans, even when such writedowns can define the difference between rehabilitation and insolvency. When it comes to providing exit for non-viable borrowers, the Irish Government has adopted the approach of reforming the personal insolvency regime from 12 years bankruptcy duration to 3 years, but then extended the process of availing of the bankruptcy from few months to up to 3 years. The pre-bankruptcy period of up to 3 years under the new regime is a period during which the banks have full power to extract all resources out of the households with little protection for the household, in contrast with the previous bankruptcy regime. Thus, in terms of life-cycle financial health, Irish households going through the new reformed personal insolvency process are unlikely to gain any meaningful relief compared to the previous regime.]

"Active management of NPLs is needed. In principle, NPLs can either be:

1. retained and managed by banks themselves at appropriately written-down values, while the banks receive financial assistance from the government for recapitalization; or
2. relocated or sold to one or more decentralized “bad banks,” loan recovery companies, or Asset Management Companies (AMCs) that specialize in the management of impaired assets; 
3. sold to a centralized AMC set up for public policy purposes (possibly when the size of NPLs reaches systemic proportions)."

IMF also notes that: "The European Banking Coordination “Vienna” Initiative (2012) in a working group focused on NPL issues in Central, Eastern and Southeastern Europe. Recommendations, among others, focused on establishing a conducive legal framework for NPL resolution, removing tax impediments and regulatory obstacles, as well as enabling out-of-court settlements."


Stay tuned for the third and subsequent posts covering other technical notes released by the IMF.