8/10/2013: Jokers Burning Money: Public Sector Reforms - Village, October 2013

My article for the Village Magazine on pre-Budget 2014 analysis of health spending in Ireland: http://www.villagemagazine.ie/index.php/2013/10/gurdgiev-on-healthcare-jokers-burning-money/

7/10/2013: Taking an Easy Road Out of Budget 2014? Sunday Times, September 22

This is an unedited version of my Sunday Times column from September 22, 2013.


The upcoming Budget 2014 will be one of the toughest since the beginning of the crisis in terms of the overall levels of cuts and tax increases. It also promises to cut across the psychological barrier of austerity fatigue. The latter aspect of Budget 2014 is more pernicious. Two other factors will add to the national distress, comes October 15th. Reinforcing our national sense of exhaustion with endless austerity, this week, the IMF published a staff research paper on fiscal adjustments undertaken during the current Great Recession. According to some, the IMF study reinforces the argument that Ireland should have been allowed to spread the austerity over a longer period time. In addition to this, Ireland’s planned 2014 cuts are set to be well in excess of the deficit reduction targets for any other euro area country.

The superficial reading of the IMF statement, the nascent sense of social distress brewing underneath the surface of public calm, and the tangible and very real pain felt by many in the society suggest that the Government should take it easier in 2014-2015. The policy option, consistent with such a choice would be to cut less than committed to under the multi-annual fiscal plans agreed with the Troika. This is being proposed by a number of senior Ministers and TDs, the Opposition and the Unions.

Alas, Ministers Noonan and Howlin have little choice when it comes to the actual volumes of fiscal adjustments they will have to implement next year. Like it or not, we will need to stick very close to the EUR3.1 billion deficit reduction targets irrespective of the IMF working papers conclusions, or the volume of outcries coming from the Government backbenchers and the opposition ranks.

Here's how the brutal logic of our budgetary position stacks up against an idea of easing on deficit reductions.

If everything goes according to the plan, Ireland will end 2013 with a second or a third highest deficit in the EU, depending on how we account for the one-off spending measures across the peripheral states. We will also have the second highest primary deficit (that is deficit excluding cost of interest payments on Government debt) in the euro area. In 2014 this abysmal performance will replay once again, assuming we meet the targets. Greece and Italy are set to finish 2013 with a primary surplus. Portugal is expected to post a primary deficit of less than one half that of Ireland's. Should Ireland deliver on the targets for 2014, our gap between the Government revenues and spending will still stand at around 4.3-4.6 percent of GDP at the end of December 2014. Not a great position to be in, especially for a country that claims to be different from the rest of the euro periphery.

In this environment, talking about any change in the course on austerity or attempting to enact a fiscal stimulus will be equivalent to accelerating into a blind corner on a one-lane road.

In order to stabilise government debt, Ireland will require cumulative deficits cuts of 11.6% of GDP between January 2013 and December 2018 with quarter of these cuts scheduled for 2014-2015. This is the largest volume of cuts for any economy in the euro area - more than 20 percent greater than the one to be undertaken by Greece and more than 50 percent in excess of Spain’s requirement.

Any delay in cuts today will only multiply pain tomorrow with higher debt to deflate in 2016-2018. As things stand under the agreed plans, Ireland will be spending 4.9 percent of its GDP annually on funding debt interest payments from through 2018. This is more than one and a half times greater than what we will be allocating to gross public investment. The interest bill, over the next five years, will be at least EUR46 billion. Lowering 2014 adjustment target by EUR1 billion can result in the above cost rising to over EUR50 billion, based on my estimates using the IMF forecast models.

The reason for this is that any departure from the committed fiscal adjustment path is likely to have consequences.

Firstly, with the ongoing sell-offs of bonds in the global investment markets, it is highly likely that the cost of funding Government debt for Ireland will rise over the medium term even absent any delays in fiscal adjustments. The long-term interest rates are already showing sharper rising of yields on longer maturity bonds compared to short-dated bonds. Year to date, German 10-year yields are up 64 basis points, UK are up 105 bps and the US ones are up 111 bps. The effects of these changes on Irish debt and deficit dynamics are not yet fully priced in the latest IMF forecasts. A mild steepening of the maturity curve for Ireland can significantly increase our interest bill. This risk becomes even more pronounced if we are to delay the Troika programme.

Secondly, failure to fulfill our commitments is unlikely to help us in our transition from Troika funding. Ireland will require a precautionary standby arrangement of at least EUR10 billion in cheaply priced funds. The European Stability Mechanism (ESM) funds to cover this come on foot of good will of our EU 'partners'. These partners, in turn, are seeking to redraft EU tax policies, as well as banking, financial and ICT services regulations. In virtually all of these proposals, Ireland is at odds with the European consensus. Good will of Paris and Berlin is a hard commodity, requiring hard currency of appeasement. Whether we like it or not, by stepping into the euro system, we committed ourselves to this position.

The long run financial arithmetic also presents a major problem for those who misread the latest IMF research on austerity as a sign that the Fund is advocating easing of the 2014-2015 adjustments for Ireland. The IMF clearly shows that Ireland has already delayed required fiscal cuts more than any other euro area economy. In all euro area peripheral economies, other than Ireland, fiscal adjustments for 2014-2015 are set at less than one fifth of the total adjustment required for 2010-2015 period. In Ireland they are set at one third. Which means that, having taken more medicine upfront, Italy, Greece, Portugal and Iceland can now afford to ease on cutting future primary imbalances.


With this in mind, there is not a snowballs chance in hell that we can substantively deviate from the plan to cut EUR3.1 billion, gross, from 2014 deficit without facing steep bill for doing so. Which leaves us with the only pertinent question to be asked: how such an adjustment should be spread across three areas of fiscal policy: Government revenues, current expenditure and capital expenditure.

This year, through August, Government finances have been running ahead of both 2012 levels and we are perfuming well relative to what was planned in the budget 2013 profile. However, the headline numbers conceal some worrying sub-currents.

This year's current primary expenditure in 8 months through August stood at over EUR36.6 billion, more than targeted in the 2013 profile and ahead on the same period last year. This deterioration was caused by the one off payment made on winding down the IBRC, plus the increase in contributions to the EU budget. Nonetheless, while tax and Government revenues increases in the 8 moths of 2013 were running at almost EUR3.4 billion compared to the same period of 2012, spending reductions are down only EUR823 million.

To-date, only 17 percent of the entire annual adjustment came via current voted spending cuts and over 57 percent came from increases in Government revenues. The balance of savings was achieved by slashing further already decimated capital investment programmes.  Given the overall capital investment profile from 1994 through forecast 2013 levels, as provided by the Department of Public Expenditure and Reform, this year's net capital spending is likely to come below the amount required to cover amortisation and depreciation of the current stock of Government capital. Put simply, we are just about keeping the windows on our public buildings and doors on our public schools in working order.

In this environment, Labour Party and opposition calls for undoing 'the savage cuts to our frontline services' - or current spending side of the Government balance sheet - are about as good as Doctor Nick Rivera's cheerfully internecine surgical exploits in the Simpsons.

The adjustments to be taken over the next two years will have to fall heavily on current spending side. This is a very painful task. To-date, much of the savings achieved on the expenditure side involved either transforming public spending into private sector fees, which can be called a hidden form of taxation, or by achieving short term temporary savings.

The former is best exemplified by continued hikes of hospitals' charges which have all but decimated the markets for health insurance. The result is a simultaneous reduction in health insurance coverage, an increase in demand for public health services and costly emergency treatments. The 'savings' achieved are most likely costing us more than they bring in.

The latter is exemplified by temporary pay moderation agreements and staff reductions in the public sector. This presents a problem to be faced comes 2015-2016: with growth picking up, many savings delivered by staff reductions and pay moderation measures will be the first to be reversed under the pressure from the unions.

In short, the Government has no choice, but to largely follow the prescribed course of action. Like it or not, it also has no choice but to cut deeper into current spending. This is going to be an ugly budget by all measures possible, but the real cause of the pain it will inflict rests not with the Troika insistence on austerity. Instead, the real drivers for Ireland’s deep cuts in public spending are the internal imbalances in our public expenditure and the lack of deeper reforms in the earlier years of the crisis.

Via @IMF

Box-out: 

Recent data from the CSO on Irish goods exports painted a picture of significant gains in one indigenous economy sector: agri-food exports. The exports of Food and live animals increased by EUR101 million or 15 percent in July 2013, compared to July 2012. In seven months from January 2013, agri-food exports rose to EUR4,911 million, up 8.8 percent. Most of the increases related to exports of animals-related products, live animals, eggs and milk. The new data caused a small avalanche of press releases from various representative bodies extolling the virtues of agri-food sector in Ireland and posting claims that the sector is poised to drive Ireland out of the recession. Alas, the data on agricultural prices, also covering the period through July 2013, released just three days after the publication of exports statistics, poured some cold water over the hot coals of agri-food sector egos. From January through July 2013, the main driver for improved exports performance of our agriculture and food sectors was not some indigenous productivity growth or innovation, but the price inflation in the globally-set agricultural output prices. On an annual basis, the agricultural output prices rose 10.7 percent in July 2013. Over the same period of time, the agricultural input price index was up 5.2 percent in July 2013. This means that Irish exports uptick in 2013 to-date was built on the pain of consumers elsewhere. So good news is that our agri-food exports were up. Bad news is that we have preciously little, if anything, to do with causing this rise.

4/10/2013: IMF 11th review of Ireland: Banks & Exchequer

IMF released its 11th review of Irish economy under the Extended Arrangement for funding. I covered growth-related issues arising from the IMF release here: http://trueeconomics.blogspot.ie/2013/10/4102013-imf-11th-review-of-ireland.html

Now, some other topics, namely banks and the Exchequer.

Per IMF: "Ireland is expected to return to reliance on market financing in 2014, yet further European support could make Ireland’s recovery and debt sustainability more robust. Irish banks face weak profitability that hinders their capacity to revive lending. European support to lower banks’ market funding costs could help sustain domestic demand recovery in the medium term, protecting debt sustainability and financial market confidence."

What's that about? Here are two charts:

IMF: "The recent retracement of Irish sovereign bond yields has been broadly consistent with the experience of other countries in the euro area periphery." [But wait, what about Ireland's unparalleled success in fiscal adjustments and 'best-in-class' status? Are the IMF saying that Enda did not singlehandedly deliver huge improvements in Irish bonds yields? How can this be the case, unless the Irish Government uses 'we' as denoting 'Peripheral Countries' collective in claims that the Govenment has delivered stabilisation of Government funding costs.]

"After touching record lows in early May, the 10 year yield has risen 56 basis points, to 3.98 percent as of September 11. Market tensions dissipated in July after the settlement of the political crisis in Portugal and recent turbulence in emerging markets has had limited effect on Irish bond yields. No new bond has been issued by the Irish sovereign since the €5 billion ten-year issue in mid March." The latter, of course simply means that lower supply of new bonds (lack of it since mid-March) and now the new announcement by NTMA that it will not be tapping the markets any time before official exit from Troika supports, are keeping things steady in yields terms. Otherwise… well… logic suggests, at least speculatively, they can be higher.

And on banks: "From a trough in mid-May, yields on Bank of Ireland (BoI) and Allied Irish Banks (AIB) 3 year covered bonds have edged up some 40 basis points as of September 11. Since its May 30 issuance, the yield on BoI’s 3 year senior unsecured bond has been more volatile, but overall has risen by 62 basis points, to 3.37 percent."

Bah! Two things to say about the above:

1. Banks bonds still tracing sovereign risks and that holds even for covered bonds! Not a good sign for the banking sector. The explicit guarantee is gone, so now it is don to the implicit guarantee and the state simply cannot shake off the baggage of the original 2008 Guarantee. Irish banks are still too-big-to-fail and Irish state is still a too-small-to-bail-in banks lenders.
2. For an army of bonds sales-desks analysts out there pontification on Irish economy, I am yet to see their honest analysis on what is happening with banks funding costs and sovereign funding costs. They are a bit too keen talking about the economy and too little about debt markets. Which is sort of 'your dentist is football analyst' analogy...

"Deposit rates continued to inch downward, however, and ECB borrowing by domestic banks fell from €39.6 billion at end March to €33.4 billion at end August, reflecting a paucity of new lending, further noncore asset deleveraging, modest amounts of new market funding, and a broadly stable deposit base."

So cheap funding dissipating, deposits (stable funding) still anaemic or declining… Happy times, folks. Stabilisation bites. Come back and argue that when businesses and households are croaking under the weight of interest on their debts with the above 'improvements'.

Why wait, however, let's take a look at IMF-reported 2009-2013 data:
Banks non-performing loans (vs provisions) as % of total loans: 2009=9% (4%) or 44.4% cover, 2012 = 11.3% (5.4%) or 47.8% cover, 2013 = 11.5% (4.5%) or 39.1% cover. So cover is shrinking! Meanwhile, personal lending rates have gone up (as ECB repo rate went down) from 11.1% in 2009 to 11.6% in 2013, and SVR mortgages rates have gone up from 3.3% in 2009 to 4.4% in 2013. Government bond yields are down from 4.9% in 2009 to 4.2% in 2013. What's happening folks" The state credit costs are being dumped onto mortgagees. The 'rescue' of the banks and subsequently the rescue of the state has been loaded up onto the borrowers from the banks.


On the positive side, Exchequer performance was good. Not spectacular, but fine - in line with (and slightly better than) budgetary targets:

Do note the caveats listed below the charts - it would be nice were the Irish authorities actually provided a clear, consistent and well-defined map of all one-off payments and receipts… but then the picture of the fiscal adjustment would not have been as pretty as our politicians like to claim. Still, the picture is broadly fine.

Crucially, the above is not sufficient for us to rest on our laurels. For a number of reasons, but chiefly for the reason not even mentioned in the IMF note: has anyone looked at how sustainable, over the medium (2015-2020) term the fiscal savings delivered by the Government are? I mean: we know that pay moderation agreements with public sector unions are not sustainable and even subject to automatic reversals in 2015-on, right? We also know that much of health system 'savings' are not sustainable, since these come on foot of extracting more and more cash out of ever-dwindling supply of private insurance holders. Right? What else is not sustainable? How much? What is the risk down the line? Is corporate tax revenue uplift we have seen over the last 24 months or so sustainable? Much of it seems to have come from MNCs booking more transfer pricing profits into Ireland. Is that 'sustainable'?

IMF does some 'sustainability' tests in its analysis and here is a scary chart:

Basically, note the path of the gross financing needs for Ireland through 2018. This returns us, under baseline (no new shocks) scenario back to the situation in 2018 where financing needs of the Exchequer are slightly above the needs in 2013. This is assuming GDP is growing 2.5% annually in real terms 2015-2018. And this is incorporating the 'savings' achieved from the Promissory Notes. And this is after we impose agreed target cuts of 2014-2015. We are swimming faster and faster to be thrown back, not even to stay put.

Now, tweak few assumptions:

So in Constant PB Scenario, the change is with no 2014-2015 'austerity' factored in, which is boring stuff. But the exciting stuff is the 'Historical Scenario' where things slide back to 'normal' on growth and government deficits:

 The outcome of the above in two charts:
1) Public debt explodes

2) Financing needs of the Government explode too

Care to argue now we can afford a 'stimulus'? As Harry Callahan put it: "Go on, punk, make my day!"

26/9/2013: Framing Budget 2014: Village Magazine September 2013

This is an unedited version of my column in the Village Magazine, August-September 2013


With early Budget looming on the horizon, the circus of the 'austerity is overdone' politics has rolled into town. The Labour and the FG backbenchers are out in force trying desperately to salvage the little popular support they still might command in the streets. Not to be outdone, Fiana Fail, freshly converted into the Church of Socialistas has been unleashing torrents of newly-discovered social consciousness. Things are getting so hot on the anti-austerian' speaking circuit that Siptu was able to get even Jack O'Connor a gig. Their star performer was last seen thundering at the MacGill Summer School a potent brew of outlandishly misinformed comparatives between the European and the American policies for dealing with the Great Recession and calls on the imaginary Government to… no prizes for guessing… end 'human rights-violating' austerity.

Problem is, once you come back from all of the highs of this Keynesian Lollapalooza, Irish Government continues to run an insolvent state with spending not matched to revenues and with the expenditure programmes outcomes not matched to the needs of the society at large. Delivering neither fiscal sustainability, nor growth, nor value for money, our fiscal house is grossly out of shape five years into various reforms. Worse, the fiscal mess we are in has nothing to do with the lack of economic growth and everything to do with the policy institutions that the current Government inherited from the decades of political clientelism presided over by its predecessors.


Let us look at some numbers.

In the first six months of 2013, Irish State has managed to spend EUR27.12 billion on current expenditure, just EUR352 million shy of the level of spending in the same period of 2012 and EUR3.2 billion more than we spent in the six months through June 2011. Meanwhile, tax revenues rose from EUR15.3 billion in January-June 2011 to EUR17.6 billion this year. Crunchy austerity based on savage cuts, five years in still looks more like a tax squeeze and spending re-allocation from one programme to another.

Meanwhile, Department of Health spending is now running at EUR6,539 million for H1 2013, down on EUR6,754 million in H1 2011 - a whooping reduction of EUR215 million. Do keep in mind that 2011-2012 increases in the cost of beds charged to the private insurers (aka to ordinary insurance purchasers) have more than offset the above reductions in spending. Net current (ex-capital) spending on health has shrunk by just EUR128 million over the last two years.

The Department of Health is a great example to consider when dealing with the failure of our reforms. It is a frontline service by definition - the one we all are willing to pay for. Yet, it is also a symbolic dividing line between the poor (allegedly having no access to the services) and the rich (allegedly all those who hold health insurance and as 'private' patients overpopulate public wards preventing the poor from getting necessary hospital beds). Healthcare was also an epicenter of rounds of reforms over decades, including the decades of rapid economic growth and prosperity. And it is one of the two largest departments by voted spending, with budget only slightly behind the EUR6.545 billion spend in H1 2013 at the Department of Social Protection.

For this spending we - the middle classes and other payers - get little value for money in services. Over 35% of Irish households have to purchase private insurance to access any meaningful level of health services. In case you still rest in the camp of those who believes that such purchases of insurance are purely voluntary and constitute luxury, Irish Government is considering making health insurance purchasing purely obligatory.

Even with this expenditure, access to basic, quality of life-improving procedures and healthcare maintenance is shambolic. While run of the mill emergencies are getting reasonably decent attention, complex and time-sensitive treatments are wanting. Thus, Ireland ranks at or below the European averages in treatment of majority of chronic and long-term diseases, before we control for differences in population demographics. Our primary care and access to specialist consultants is pathetic outside the emergency rooms and hospitals' ICUs. Despite seeing the fastest rise in the healthcare expenditure per capita over 1997-2007 period in the entire EU27, per EU assessment, Irish healthcare expenditure increases have made only "a modest contribution to [improved mortality], substantially less than one third of the total, and possibly only a few percentage points".

In reality, of course, Irish healthcare is run for the benefit of Irish healthcare staff. In 2005-2007 pay and salary bill for HSE stood at an average 50.7% of the entire HSE non-capital budget. In 2009 it was 50.1%. In 2010, Irish salaries (excluding other income) for medical specialists were the highest in the EU, with the second highest paid cohort of physicians (in the Netherlands) coming at an average salary discount of roughly 25% relative to their Irish counterparts. These salaries were not inclusive of the Irish doctors earnings from private patients.

Per EU 2012 assessment, 33% of Irish people find access to hospitals unaffordable (8th highest in EU27) and the same find access to GP out of their financial reach (4th highest in EU27), while 53% claim that they cannot afford medical or surgical specialists (8th highest).

This is hardly surprising. Between December 2005 and mid-2012, Irish consumer price inflation (CPI) on cumulative basis has hit 9.5%. Health CPI over the same period totalled 21.4% - more than double the rate of overall inflation. Of EU15 states, Ireland and Holland were the only states where health costs were rising faster than general inflation in the last 7 years. 2005-2011 inflation run at 47.3% in Hospital services (state-controlled charges), followed by dental services 28.6%, Out-patient services 23.5% and Doctors' fees at 21.3%. This inflation took place from the already high cost base present in Ireland at the end of 2005.

By international comparisons, from 2005 through mid-2012 Ireland had the lowest rate of inflation in the EU15, while our health services inflation was the second highest after the Netherlands.

Austerity, it seems, has been a boom-time for healthcare costs. Or put differently, while the rest of the world defines efficiency-improving reforms as changes in delivery of services that reduces the cost of services given fixed or improving quality of delivery, in Ireland we define efficiency gains as providing fewer services at a higher cost.

Despite this, in Irish media and policy circles, assessment of healthcare systems performance starts and ends with the comparatives on public spending levels. Good example of such assessment was the 2010 report to the Oireachtast, titled "Benchmarking Ireland’s Health System". A foreigner reading this report can easily conclude that (a) Irish healthcare is run on a shoestring, (b) achieves great outcomes in terms of reduced rates of prevalence of and mortality from key diseases, and (c.) is delivered to the middle class and the rich, bypassing the poor.

In reality, of course, the inequality of access to Irish healthcare system means that the middle and upper-middle classes are required to buy expensive insurance to gain access to health services. Our achievements in combatting key diseases are primarily driven by our younger (and thus healthier) demographics.

And when it comes to access, only 17.2% of all non-maternity related hospitals admissions in 2011 (the latest for which we have data) were for private patients, with the balance going to public patients. On average, people on private insurance had 2.4-2.6 visits to GP in 2007-2010, while those on medical cards had 5.3-5.2. In 2012, the rich-favouring distribution of access to Irish healthcare so often decried by the media and politicians meant that 39% of population or just under 1.8 million people had access to medical cards, more than the number of private health insurance holders.

Health spending represents the case where we have at least some indications and metrics concerning the inefficiency of services provision. In contrast, in other major areas of state expenditure, there is no basis for efficiency assessments and none are being developed.

Irish welfare system is absurdly complicated, and unbalanced - providing potentially excessive services for able-bodied adults on long-term dependency and insufficient services for adults in temporary need of supports and to people with severe disabilities. Related services - in particular in the areas of skills development and training, placement supports for the unemployed - are glaringly out of touch with reality of the labour market demands. Over the last five years, Irish economy produced ever-increasing shortages of skills in several areas, most notably internationally-traded ICT services, financial services, and back- and front- office support services. Yet Irish system of unemployment supports, planned by Forfas and managed by Fas/Solace, failed to reflect these long-term trends. By the time state training behemoths turn around to face the music, the demands for skills will change again.


Irish state spending - with or without austerity - is a rich sprinkling of waste over a thin layer of substance. And it remains such in the face of five years of boisterous pro-reform rhetoric.
Irish austerity has failed, so much we can all agree on. But the real failure is not in cutting spending too much, but in failing to deliver any real gains in efficiency of public services provision or quality of these services. And it failed in containing the costs of the State, especially if we are to use long term sustainability as the benchmark for assessing the reforms.

The likes of Jack O'Connor and Fiana Fail ‘Nua’ might have discovered a magic trick for conjuring economic growth out of public spending, but reality is that the actual working population is by now sick and tired of being taxed to fund the perpetuation of the public sector mess, best exemplified by our healthcare.

22/7/2013: That Growing Debt Pile...

In the week when Irish debt/GDP pushes above 125% that some of the luminary 'green jerseyists' said it will never do, let's say loudly to ourselves: "Ireland is not Greece..."

A gentle reminder to stay calm and not to worry, because, as we now know, debt does not matter at all... what matters is pants,.. bright pink pants...

Chart source: http://www.bis.org/publ/arpdf/ar2013e1.pdf

19/7/2013: Ireland: Six Points on Government Spending Stats for Q1 2013

Four key trends in Irish Government expenditure through Q1 2013:

Chart above shows three aspects of Irish Government spending:

1. Overall, expenditure continues to outstrip revenues, generating deficits well in excess of the target and accelerating in Q1 2013 once again, although part of this acceleration is seasonal and part is riven by the IBRC shut-down cost (see my earlier post on this: http://trueeconomics.blogspot.ie/2013/07/1872013-irelands-government-deficit.html)
2. Decline in Government spending since Q1 2009 has been much shallower, once we strip out banks measures than at the aggregate level. This highlights the nature of our fiscal statistics reporting, whereby there is not a single full database (by either the Department of Finance, or CSO) which actually provides clear accounting for ex-banks spending. Question is: why? The IMF this week praised Irish Government for delivering on fiscal transparency. Yet, the very same Government continues to cherry-pick data to show desired effects. 
3. Q1 2009-Q1 2013, overall reduction in gross public spending ex-banks, based on Q1 figures alone (so a caveat here) is closer to EUR470 million or 2.67%. Meanwhile, tax and social security contribution revenues are up EUR979 million or 9.2%. And this disregards the fact that much of the expenditure reductions came from higher charges on private users of public services, not an actual budget cut to budget-covered institutions.

Chart above shows breakdown of the expenditure for four main lines of spending:

1. Compensation of employees has declined 7.53% on Q1 2009 (saving EUR390 million). We were promised billions in savings here and we have attained… well sort of short of that. 
2. Use of goods and services (gross of taxes payable) declined 37.47% or EUR1.01 billion, with parts of these savings now arising due to timing issues. Bunching in spending on this line has increased from 2009 through 2012. Q1-Q2 quarter on quarter changes used to be negative (higher spending in Q1 than in Q2) in 2009 and 2010 and they are now positive for 2011 and 2012. Swing in the rate of change q/q between Q1-Q2 2009 and 2012 was from -13.2% to +10.4%. Which neatly summarises the austerity we've been living through: taxes massively up, capital spending massively down, current spending… err… 'don't ask-don't tell'

One of the worrying trends in the overall expenditure, however, is the interest on our debt. Chart above shows its evolution over time and a clear trend up and up even as taxes are continuing to rise. Now, I know it is trendy nowadays to say 'debt don't matter'… actually, when 20% of your tax revenue goes to pay interest on it… err… it sort of obviously does.

18/7/2013: Ireland's Government Deficit & Debt Up in Q1 2013

Good news: CSO is doing its job well covering Irish Government Financial stats. Bad news: the stats aren't exactly encouraging:

I will be blogging on this later tonight, so stay tuned. But for now, the table above should do: year on year:

• Deficit is up (from EUR5.029bn to EUR5.387bn)
• General Government Debt (GGD) is up (from EUR174.15bn to EUR204.05bn)
• GGD is now in excess of 125% of GDP (few years back when I predicted it will be above that marker, there was a sound of hissing and sniggering coming from the 'outraged economists' corner of Irish academia)
• General Government Net 'Worth' is down to EUR81.13 bn. 

Small corrective bit: based on Q1 2013 GDP/GNP gap the above level of debt is at 149% of GNP.

Most of the deficit increase is accounted for by payments under the Eligible Liabilities Guarantee Scheme arising from liquidation of IBRC, and due to higher interest spending. In fact, interest spending rose by EUR543 million year-on-year, while deficit rose EUR358 million over the same period of time.

31/3/2013: Unique Ireland? Why not... per IMF working paper...

Here's an interesting case of Ireland's uniqueness:

Eyraud, Luc and Moreno Badia, Marialuz, "Too Small to Fail? Subnational Spending Pressures in Europe" [(February 2013). IMF Working Paper No. 13/46] paper looks at the re-distribution of spending between national and sub-national governments within the EU over time, covering the period of the crisis. Due to the size of the banking sector measures and their impact on the Government budgets in Ireland, the paper excludes Ireland from the dataset when running analysis.

In other words, we are so out of line with the rest of Europe in terms of resources we threw at the banks during the crisis, that our data is no longer meaningfully comprable to the rest of EU.

Here are two charts illustrating this 'uniqueness':

19/1/2013: Ireland's cost of funding

An interesting chart in today's IMF review of Greece:

Now, that's right - prior to Bailout 2.0, Greece led the euro area in terms of its overall Government debt financing burden as % of GDP and Ireland ranked 3rd in these dubious (in virtue) rankings. After Bailout 2.0, Greece funding costs are now below euro area average (ranked 7th) and Irish ones are ranked 2nd highest after Italy.

Now, note that this means that Ireland has the highest debt financing costs of all countries in Troika bailouts. In other words, with hefty subsidy to our cost of funding via EFSF et al, we are coming out very poorly. What will happen if we 'regain access to the markets' at costs higher than those under the Troika bailout?..

Although approximate, a deal to bring Irish debt financing costs to euro area average would see the Government benefiting from savings of ca 2.3% of our GDP annually or ca EUR3.73 billion making measures passed in Budget 2013 in their entirety unnecessary.

5/12/2012: Pre-Budget 2013 tunes

Ireland's pre-Budget 2013 arithmetic:

• Budget 2013 Cuts & Tax hikes = €3.5 billion
• IL&P (bust state-owned 'bank') bonds repayments January 2013 = €2.45 billion
• Promo Note (IBRC - toxic loans dump) repayment March 2013 = €3.1 billion
• Interest on Government debt: 2011 = €3.9 billion, 2012 = €5.7 billion, 2013 = €8.1 billion, 2012-2013 increase of €2.4 billion
• Adding things up: -€3.5 billion adjustment + €5.55 billion 'banks' wastage + €2.4 billion increase in Ireland financing for "our partners' help" = net €4.45 billion will be sucked out of this economy by pure policy psychosis.
• 69% of the entire annual adjustment on fiscal side, even assuming it will be delivered in the end, will go to fund increases in Government debt servicing in 2013 compared to 2012. These funds will be largely remitted to Ireland's new 'best friends' - the Troika and Franklin Templeton funds.

Now, good luck listening to today's Budget 2013 announcements by our Minister for 'Friends' Finance.

4/12/2012: Irish Exchequer Returns Jan-Nov 2012

So 2013 Budget will be expected to deliver 'cuts' and 'revenue measures' to bring fiscal stance €3.5 billion closer (or so the claim goes) to the balance. Which prompted the Eamon Gilmore to utter this:
"It is the budget that is going to get us to 85% of the adjustment that has to be made, and will therefore put the end in sight for these types of measures and these types of budgets".

Right. €3.5 billion will be added to the annual coffers on expectation side comes tomorrow. €3 billion will be subtracted on actual side comes March 2013 for the ritual burning of the promo notes repayments, and IL&P - the insolvent zombie bank owned by the state - will repay €2.45 billion worth of bonds using Government money comes second week of January. I guess, something is in sight, while something is a certainty-equivalent. €3.5 billion 'adjustments' vs €5.5 billion bonfire.

Six years into this shambolic 'austerity heroism' and we are, where we are:

1. On expectations forward, the Government will still have fiscal deficit of 7.5% of GDP in the end of 2013, should Gilmore's 'end in sight' hopes materialise. That is set off against pre-banks measures deficit of 7.3% in 2008. In fact, the 'end' will not be in sight even into 2017, when the IMF forecasts Irish Government deficit to be -1.8% - well within the EU 3% bounds, but still consistent with Government overspending compared to revenues.
2. Overall Government balance ex-banks supports in Ireland in 2012 will stand around 8.3% of GDP. In 2013 it is expected to hit 7.5% of GDP. The peak of insolvency was 11.5% of GDP in 2009, which means that by 2013 end we have closed 4 percentage points of GDP in fiscal deficits out of 8.5 percentage points adjustment required for 2009-2015 period. In Mr Gilmore's terms, we would have traveled not 85% of the road, but 47% of the road.

But wait, there's more. Here's a snapshot of the latest Exchequer returns for January-November 2012:

• Government tax revenue has fell 0.5% below the target with the shortfall of €171 million and although tax revenues were €1.96 billion ahead of same period (January-November) 2011, stripping out reclassifications of USC and the delayed tax receipts from 2011 carried over to 2012, this year tax receipts are running up 4.5% year on year.
• Keep in mind that target refers not to the Budget 2012 targets, but to revised targets of April 2012. 
• Meanwhile, Net Voted Government Expenditure came in at 0.6% above target. 
• So in a sum, on annualized basis, expenditure running 1.03% ahead of projections and revenue is running 0.86% below target. All of the sudden, the case of 'best boy in class' starts to look silly.

Things are even worse when you look at the expenditure side closer.

• Total Net Voted Expenditure came in at €40,635 million in 11 months through November 2012, which is €26 million above last year's, and  is 0.6% ahead of target set out in April. In other words, Ireland's heroic efforts to contain runaway public sector costs have yielded savings of €26 million in 11 months through November 2012.
• All of the net savings relative to target came in from the Capital side of expenditure, which is 20.5% below t2011 levels(-€629 million). Now, full year target savings on capital side are €562 million, which means that capital spending cuts have already overcompensated the expenditure cuts by €67 million. 
• On current expenditure side things are much worse. Relative to target, current spending is running at +1.7% (excess of €654 million). It was supposed to run at -1.6% reduction compared to 2011 for the full year 2012, but is currently running at +1.6% compared to Jan-Nov 2011. The swing is over €1.2 billion of overspend.
• Recall that in 2011 Irish Government expropriated €470 million worth of pensions funds through the 0.6% pensions levy in order to fund its glamorous Jobs Initiative. It now has cut €629 million from capital spending budget or €405 million more than it planned. In effect, thus, the entire pensions grab went to fund not Jobs Initiative, but current spending by the state.
• The savage austerity this Government allegedly unleashed saved on the net €26 million in 11 months. Pathetic does not even begin to describe this policy of destroying the future of the economy to achieve effectively absolutely nothing in terms of structural adjustments.
• The overspend took place, predictably, and at least to some extent justifiably by Health and Social Welfare. However, two other departments have posted excess spending compared to the target: Public Expenditure & Shambles-- err Reforms -- posted excess spending overall, while Transport, Tourism and Sport has managed to overspend on the current spending side of things.

On the balance side of things, stripping out banks measures and capital cuts, but retaining reclassifications of revenues and carry-over of revenues from 2011 into 2012, overall current account balance deficit was €9.626 billion in 2012, contrasted by the deficit of €9.712 billion in 2011. This suggests that the Government has managed to reduce the deficit on current account side by €86 million,

Laughable as this sounds, stripping out carry over revenues from 2011, the deficit on current side of the Exchequer finances was €9.45 billion in 2011 and that rose to €9.97 billion in 2012. Which means that the actual current account deficit is not falling, but rising.

Now, let's control for banks measures:

• In 2011 Irish state spent €2.3 billion bailing out IL&P, plus €3.085bn repaying promo notes for IBRC and €5.268bn on banks recaps. Total banks contribution to the deficit was thus €10.653 billion, This implies that overall general government deficit ex-banks was €10.716 billion in 2011.
• In 2012 we spent €1.3 billion propping up again IL&P (this time - its remnants) which implies ex-banks measures deficit of €11.668bn
• Wait a second, you shall shout at this point in time - 2012 ex-banks deficit is actually worse, not better than 2011 one. And you shall be right. There are some small items around, like our propping up Quinn Insurance fallout cost us €449.8mln in 2012 and only €280mln in 2011. We also paid €509.5 million (that's right - almost the amount the Government hopes to raise from the Property Tax in 2013) on buying shares in ESM - the fund that we were supposedly desperately needed access to during the Government campaign for Fiscal Compact Referendum, but nowadays no longer will require, since we are 'regaining access to the markets'. We also received €1.018 billion worth of cash from our sale of Bank of Ireland shares in 2011 that we did not repeat on receipts side in 2012. And more... but in the end, when all reckoned and counted for, there is effectively no real deficit reduction. Nothing dramatic happened, folks. The austerity fairy flew by and left not a trace, but few sparkles in the sky.
• Aside note - pittance, but hurtful. In 2012 Department for Finance estimates total Irish contributions to the EU Budget will run at €1.39 billion gross. For 2013 the estimate is €1.444 billion. That is a rise of €59 million. Put this into perspective - currently, the Government has run away from its previous commitment to provide ringfenced beds for acute care patients at risk of infections, e.g. those suffering from Cystic Fibrosis. I bet €59 million EU is insisting this insolvent Government must wrestle out of the economy to pay Brussels would go some way fixing the issue.

In the mean time, our interest payments on debt have been steadily accelerating. In January-November 2011 our debt servicing cost us €3.866 billion. This year over the same period of time we spent €5.659 billion plus change on same. Uplift of 46.4% in one year alone.

So here you have it, folks. This Government has an option: bring Irish debt into ESM, for which we paid the entrance fees, and avail of cheap rates. Go into the markets and raise the cost of funding our overall debt even higher - from €6.17bn annual running cost in 2012 to what? Oh, dofF projects 2013 cost to be €8.11 billion - a swing of additional €1.94 billion. So over two years 2012 and 2013, Irish debt servicing costs would have risen by €3.89 billion swallowing more than 1/2 of all fiscal 'adjustments' to be delivered over the same two years.

At this stage, there is really no longer any point of going on. No matter what this Government says tomorrow, no matter what Mr Gilmore can see in his hazed existence on his Ministerial cloud cuckoo, real figures show that Europe's 'best boy in class' is slipping into economic coma. 

4/10/2012: Investor's Daily: We've been telling you porkies

In the previous post I tried to make some sense out of the headline numbers from the Exchequer returns through Q3 2012. This time around, let's take a look at the overall Exchequer balance.

Headline number being bandied around is that overall exchequer deficit stood at €11,134 mln in January-September 2012, down €9,526 mln on same period in 2011 (an impressive drop of 46.1%). Alas, that is a pure hog wash. Here's why.

In 2011, Irish state assumed banks recapitalizations and insurance shortfalls funding spending of €10,653 mln, this time around, the Government allocated only €1,775 mln to same.

Adjusting for banks recaps, therefore, Exchequer deficit stood at €10,007 mln in January-September 2011 and it was €9,359 mln in the same period this year, implying deficit reduction of €647.5 mln y/y - a drop of 6.47%.

But wait, in both 2011 and 2012 the state collected extraordinary receipts from banks recapitalization and guarantee schemes - the receipts which, as the EU Commission warned us earlier this year are likely to vanish over time. These amounted to €1.64bn in 2011 and €2.06bn in 2012 (January-September figures).

Subtracting these from the balance we have: exchequer deficit ex-banks recaps and receipts in 2011 was €11,650mln and in 2012 it was €11,417mln. In other words, the State like-for-like sustainable deficit reductions in the 9 months through September 2012 compared to the same period in 2011 were… err… massive €233.7 million (2%).

Let's do a comparative here: Budget 2012 took out of the economy €3.8 billion (with €2.2 billion in expenditure measures and €1.6 billion in taxation measures). On the net, the end result so far has been €233.7 million reduction of like-for-like deficit on 2011. How on earth can the Troika believe this to be a 'best-in-class' performance?

Or alternatively, there's €9.36 billion worth of deficit left out there to cut before we have a balanced budget. At the current rate of net savings, folks, that'd take 40 years if we were to rely on actually permanent revenues sources or 14 years if we keep faking the banking system revenues as not being a backdoor tax. Either way… that idea of 'under 3% of GDP' deficit by 2015 is… oh… how do they say it in Paris? Jonque?

And just so I don't have to produce a separate post on this, the Net Cumulated Voted Spending breakdown is also worth a line or two. You see, the heroic efforts of the Irish Government to support our economy have so far produced a reduction of €474 million on capital investment budget side y/y. But, alas, similarly heroic efforts at avoiding real cuts to the current spending side also bore their fruit, with current voted expenditure up year on year by €369 million in 9 months through September 2012.

So the bottom line is - savage austerity, tears dropping from the cheeks of our Socialist err… Labour TDs and Ministers… has yielded Total Net Voted Spending reduction cumulated over January-September 2011 of a whooping €105 million… And that is year on year. extrapolating this to the rest of the year implies that in 2012 we can expect roughly to cut our Net Voted Expenditure by a terrifyingly insignificant pittance amount of €140 million.

Yep… Jonque!

2/10/2012: Irish Exchequer Receipts Q3 2012

Headline figure on Tax Receipts is €26,118mln collected in Q3 2012 against profile of €25,733mln a surplus over the profile of 1.5%. However, in January-August  2012 the same surplus was 1.7% and January-June 2012 it was running at 3.1% surplus on target. In other words, target is being met, but performance is deteriorating and the Department is correct to sound cautiously here, constantly reiterating the importance of Q4 in terms of receipts delivery. The cushion as it stands at the end of September was €385 million on profile.

Year on year headline figure shows improvement in 9 months through September (up 8.4% on unadjusted basis, and up 6.2% on adjusted basis) compared to 8 months through August (7.7% on unadjusted basis and 5.2% on adjusted basis). This is the good news for the Exchequer.

On adjusted basis, tax revenues are up €1,491 mln in Q3 2012, having been up €1,063 mln in 8 months through August. This suggests that September monthly performance was pretty robust even once we adjust for the various reclassifications of tax revenues.

Now, let's try to see what is going on behind the headlines.

Adjustments - covering reclassifications of USC and delayed accounting for corporate tax receipts (carryover from 2011) - were running at €511 million in 8 months through August 2012. In Q1-Q3 2012 these were booked at €529 million - a suspiciously low differential for the whole month. I noted the same suspicion back in August. 

In addition, the Department seemingly does not account for reclassification of the Corporate Tax receipts from 2011 to 2012 in full. Instead, the Department does subtract the revenues booked in 2012 due to carry over from 2011 from 2012 figures, but it does not add these carry over amounts back into 2011 comparative Corporation Tax figure.

On non-tax revenues side, banking-related receipts are running at €2.057bn in 9 months through September 2012 against €1.643bn in the same period 2011.Semi-states dividends (another indirect tax on the economy) are at €88mln against €31mln in 2011. Pensions levies are at €11mln against €8.6mln in 2011. Adjusting for banks receipts alone (see my August note as to why such adjustments are warranted), total current receipts (tax and non-tax) are at €26,471mln in January-September 2012 against €24,455 in the same period 2011 (+8.25% y/y). 

Now, adding to these adjustments on tax revenues (explained above), total adjusted current receipts are up 6.1% y/y, not the 9.3% headlined in the exchequer figures.

Excluding the Sinking Fund transfers (deficit neutral), Capital Receipts are down at €813 mln in 9 months through September 2012 compared to €1,038mln in the same period 2011.

Let's combine all receipts ex-Sinking Fund receipts:

• Official numbers are: Total tax and Non-Tax Current and Capital Receipts amounted to €29.342bn in January-September 2012, up 8.13% on the same period 2011 (€27.136bn).
• Adjusting for Banks-related receipts and adjusting for tax revenues reclassifications, total receipts amounted to €26.755bn in 2012 and €25.655bn in 2011 (January-September periods), a rise of 4.29% y/y or €1.1bn.
• The above is still an impressive performance, given stagnant economy, but it is a far cry from what is needed to close the funding gap for the Exchequer.
• Critically, while tax performance cushion on target is getting thinner, it is still positive and is likely to stay non-negative through Q4 2012. In other words, it appears that we will deliver on targets on tax revenue side. This represents the reversal to some threats emerging in July-August.

15/9/2012: A handy IMF map for Budget 2013?

The elephant in the room (at 9% of GDP or 11% of GNP, with pensions - at 10.6% GDP or 13 of GNP, that's right more than one euro in eight) - courtesy of the IMF:

5/9/2012: The balance of imbalance: Irish Exchequer deficit in January-August 2012

In the previous two posts I examined the Exchequer receipts and net voted expenditure for January-August 2012. Now, on to the overall balance.

In July 2012, the Exchequer deficit stood at €9.13 billion against July 2012 headline deficit of €18.89 billion. In August, cumulated 2012 deficit rose to €11.35 billion (up €2.22 billion in one month) compared to €20.43 billion in 2011 (2011 monthly rise in August was €1.54 billion).
Fact 1: Irish Exchequer deficit rose at faster pace in August 2012 than in August 2011, so in monthly changes terms, August 2012 was not an improvement on August 2011.

However, the headline figures are incorporating several factors that gold-plate our deficit performance in 2012 compared to 2011, none of which the Government is willing to actually directly separate to identify the true performance. Let's try doing this job for them:

• As mentioned earlier, €233 million on 2011 revenue side came from the one-off sale of the Bank of Ireland shares, while €251 million of corporate tax receipts booked into 2012 is really the revenue from 2011. This means the deficit in 2011 should be adjusted by -€18 million and the balance in 2012 should be adjusted by +€251 million.
• In January-August 2011 the state spent €7.6 billion on recapitalizing banks, while this year the spending was only €1.3 billion plus there was a payment of €450mln in 2012 into the ICF (Insurance Compensation Fund). This means we should adjust the Exchequer balance on 2011 side by -€7.6 billion and 2012 by -€1.75 billion.
• Promo notes 'restructuring' this year meant the net cost of the Notes booked at €25mln, against €3.1 billion in 2011. This means adjusting 2011 deficit by -€3.1 billion and 2012 deficit by €25 million.
• In 2011 revenues from the banks measures - clearly a temporary source, as the EU Commission has warned Ireland already about the future tapering off of these receipts - amounted to €1.27 billion, while in 2012 they amount to €2.06 billion.

Accounting for the above one-off and temporary measures, the underlying deficit figures are:

• 2011 January-August period: €10.98 billion or €9.71 billion if we omit accounting for banks receipts;
• 2012 January-August period: €11.88 billion or €9.82 billion if we omit accounting for banks receipts.
• Hence, January-August 2012 period deficit, comparable to that for the same period in 2011 is worse, not better, by €109-896 million depending on whether we consider windfall differences in temporary revenues from banks.

Fact 2: On comparable basis, stripping out one-off measures and temporary allocations, Irish Exchequer deficit is worse in the first 8 months of 2012 than it was in 2011.

4/9/2012: Six Key Facts About Irish Government Spending: August 2012

In the previous post I looked at the receipts side of the Exchequer returns for January-August 2012. Now, let's take a quick tour through the expenditure side.

In January-August 2012, the Government total Net Voted Expenditure stood at €29,593 million or €244 million (0.8%) above the same period of 2011. In other words, the Government is spending more in 2012 than it spent in 2011 on the expenditure side that it actually controls. In July 2012, the overrun was €138 million or 0.5%.

Fact 1: things are getting worse month on month, not better, on the spending side

Fact 2: things are getting worse year on year, not better, on the spending side

Current Net Voted Expenditure rose €444 million (+1.8%) y/y in January-July 2012 compared to same period of 2011. In August, this figure went up to €659 million (+2.4%).

Fact 3: the core driver for rising Government spending is Current Expenditure, and the increases in spending in this area are getting worse, not better, with time. 

On the total expenditure side, the Government is now exceeding its target for 2012 (these are revised targets published in May, so the overruns are compared for just 4 months running) by 1.1%, and on current expenditure side these overruns are at 1.6%. In July 2012 the same figures were +0.8% and +1.3% respectively.

Fact 4: even by revised targets the Government is already behind its set objectives, just 4 months into running and the set-back is accelerating month to month.

In July 2012, five departments exceeded their targets on current expenditure side, including (as expected) Health (+1.0%) and Social Protection (+4.4%). In August 2012, six departments were in breach of their targets on current spending, with Health performance deteriorating (+1.5%) while Social Protection performance showing shallower miss on target (+4.2%).

Fact 5: More departments are slipping into underperformance relative to target in August than in July.

In August, five departments posted increases y/y in Current Net Voted Expenditure, in July there were seven departments in the same position.

Fact 6: year on year cuts in spending in smaller departments are not sufficient to offset increases in spending in larger departments. 

Capital expenditure has fallen €415 million (down 20.9%) y/y and is now €120 million (7.1%) below the target. In an ironic twist, these 'savings' will be totally undone through the Government capital expenditure boost once privatization process gets underway. 

However, annual estimates assume 13.4% or €562 million reduction in capital spending. With 74% of thse already delivered on, it is hard to see how the Government can extract more savings from this side of the balancesheet to plug the widening gap on the current expenditure side.

To summarise, therefore, the Irish Government continues to increase, not decrease the overall Exchequer expenditure year on year and is now behind its own targets. 

Neither the receipts side of the fiscal equation, nor the expenditure side are holding.

4/9/2012: The Fog of Exchequer Receipts: August 2012

The Exchequer receipts and expenditure figures are out for August and the circus of media rehashing that way and this way the Department of Finance press releases is on full blast.

From the way you'd read it in the media outlets, tax receipts are up, targets are met, deficit is down, spending is down. The problem is that the bunch of one-off measures conceals the truth to such an extent that no real comparison is any longer feasible for year on year figures. The circus has painted the Government finances figures so thickly in a rainbow of banks recaps, shares sales receipts, tax reclassifications, tax receipts delays and re-bookings etc that the Government can say pretty much whatever it wants about its fiscal performance until, that is, the final annual figures are in. Even then, the charade with promo note in March will still have material influence on the figures, as will tax reclassifications and delayed tax receipts booking.

With this in mind, let's try and make some sense out of the latest Exchequer receipts results, first (expenditure and balance in later posts).

Take total tax receipts for January-August 2012. The official outrun is €22.076bn which is 1.7% ahead of target set in the Budget 2012. Alas, monthly receipts of €1.763bn is 7.1% short of target. In July 2012, monthly tax receipts were 0.2% below target. So:
Point 1: As a warning flag: revenues are now running increasingly below target levels.

Year on year tax receipts were down 1.7% in July on a monthly basis and were up 9% on aggregate January-July basis. Year-on-year receipts were down 5.7% in August on a monthly basis, and were up 7.7% on January-August aggregate basis.
Point 2: As another warning flag: tax receipts are now running for two months under last year's and this is even before we adjust for 2011-2012 reclassifications and delayed bookings of some receipts.

Now, the Department of Finance states in the footnote to its tax receipts analysis that: "Adjusting for delayed corporation tax receipts from December 2011 and the techncial [sic] reclassification of an element of PRSI income to income tax this year, aggregate tax revenues are an estimated 5.2% year-on-year at end-August, coproration [sic] tax is up 6.7% and income tax is up just under 10%". What does it mean? this means that by Department estimates, the two factors account for roughly €511 million in combined bookings into 2012 that are not comparable to 2011 figures.

Subtracting €511 million our of the total cumulated receipts implies tax receipts for January-August 2012 of €21.565bn which would be 0.7% below the Budget 2012 target. Thus,
Point 3: Tax receipts, on comparable basis, are running at below target, not ahead of it, albeit the difference is still materially small.

Here's what else is interesting, however, at the end of June the Department provided an estimate for the above adjustments of ca €472 million, at the of July it was €467 million and now at €511 million. Even allowing for rounding differences on percentages reported this looks rather strange to me.

On non-tax revenues:

• In 2011 the Government collected €233 million from selling its shares in Bank of Ireland. This year - nil booked on that. Which largely accounts for the capital revenues being down from €1,036 million in 2011 to €813 million in 2012.
• Again on the capital receipts side, total EU contributions to Ireland in January-August 2012 stood at €68.401 million against €43.671 million a year ago.
• Total non-tax revenue on the current line of the balancesheet is €2.403 billion in January-August 2012 and this is up 49.4% on the same period in 2011.
• Of the increase registered in 2012 compared to 2011, €487 million came from increases in clawbacks from the banks and Central Bank of Ireland remitted profits. In other words, that was roughly half a billion euros that could have gone to writing down mortgages, but instead went to the Government. €302 million more came from the Interest on Contingent Capital Notes, which is the fancy phrase to say it too came from the banks. Thus, all in, current non-tax revenues increases of €794.1 million were almost fully accounted for by the increases of €789 million in the state clawbacks out of the insolvent and semi-solvent banks that the state largely owns.

Point 4: Unless you believe that the banks conjure money out of thin air, any celebration of non-tax receipts improvements in January-August 2012 compared to 2011 is a celebration of Pyrrhic victory of the Exchequer witch craft inside our (as banks customers and mortgage holders) pockets.

Now, let's add all receipts together:

• Total Exchequer receipts in January-August 2012 stood at €25.937bn against €23.146bn in 2011. 
• The 'rise' in total Exchequer receipts of €2,791 million in 8 months of 2012 compared to the same period in 2011 includes €511 million in tax adjustments (re-labeling) and carry over from 2011, plus €789 million in new revenues clawed out of the banks. In addition, €645.7 million is booked on receipts side via the Sinking Fund transfer (which is netted out by increased expenditure).
• So far, over the 8 months of 2012, the actual net increase in total (tax, non-tax current and non-tax capital) receipts is ca €845 million, or 3.7%.

Point 5: Disregarding expenditure effects (to be discussed later), Irish Exchequer has managed to hike its policy-controlled receipts by 3.7% y/y over the January-August period. Better than nothing, but a massive cry from the headline figure of 7.7% increase in total tax receipts and 12% rise in total receipts.

2/8/2012: Irish Exchequer Fog: Reality Isolated?

Let’s take a look at the Exchequer numbers for January-July period out today.

Tax revenue shows an increase from €18,633 mln in January-July 2011 to €20,313mln in same period 2012. 

This is primarily accounted for by increases in Income Tax (which are running pretty much in line almost exactly with what the USC reclassification would have yielded). The Department states that "Income tax is €159 million (2.0%) ahead cumulatively and is over 11% up on the same period last year on an adjusted basis. This is a strong performance." However, as far as I can understand the numbers, the adjustment only includes PRSI and does not cover reclassification of the entire USC (Health Levy). Which suggests that even 2% might be questionable. Per April note (link here) PRSI reclassification was 'estimated' by the department to run €300 million in 2012. It could be, in the end, 280mln or 330mln - take our guess, but it is significant.

Another 'major' factor is a rise in corporation tax of some €400 million of which more than half is accounted for by carry-over of tax from 2011 into 2012, not new tax receipts. Here's the Department note from April (linked above): "The Department is also taking this opportunity to adjust the corporation tax profile for the €251 million in receipts which were  expected in December 2011 but were  only received into the Exchequer account in January 2012". So setting aside timings of the corporation tax and netting out €251 million of carry-over, how much is corporate tax really up? The answer is - we do not know. But not by much enough to be excited about this.

There was a €200 mln odd rise in VAT - the real impact of the Budget 2012. Which means that on the net, there are very few real increases in revenues. Total taxes went up by €1,680mln odd, but on a real comparable basis, they went up less than €1,254mln over seven months! Again, this is before we clarify what exactly happened with the Health Levy. With Health Levy effects, the impact would have been probably closer to €250mln (I am using here 2009 figures for Health Levy and PRSI to estimate).

Non-tax income rose from €1,545mln to €2,355mln – of which almost €300mln is accounted for by increased revenues by the Central Bank and another €200mln odd is from the stronger receipts on the Banks Guarantee. There was €300mln interest on Contingent Capital Notes - also from banks. Sort-of the zombie giving back odd €800mln to the town it is killing. This is the 'reforms' the Government instituted to correct for the fiscal imbalances? Not quite: earlier this year the EU warned Ireland to not consider these 'revenues' as a part of long-term adjustment as they are bound to disappear in time.

Voted Current Expenditure – the stuff that this Government is supposedly cutting back – has actually increased – from €24.008bn in 2011 to €24.563bn in 2012.

Non-voted current expenditure is up more than €2 billion: from €3.556bn in 2011 to €5.573bn in 2012 – primarily driven by increases in the cost of servicing Ireland’s debt from €2.426bn in 2011 to €3.801bn in 2012. Timing effect on sinking fund contribution of €646mln also put a dent.

This means total current expenditure rose (not fell) from €27,564mln in 2011 to €30,136mln in 2012. This is very poor performance, folks.

Thus, current account deficit also increased in January-July 2012 from €7,386mln to €7,468mln.

Sinking fund transfer debit above was offset by credit to the capital receipts, which has meant that capital-related exchequer receipts rose to €1.454bn in 2012 compared to €789.9mln in 2011. Again, there is nothing miraculous here – the state simply transferred funds from one pocket to the other.

On the capital expenditure side, however, there are – on the surface – huge ‘savings’ year on year. Total capital spending amounted to €12,298mln in January-July 2011, but that was ‘cut’ to €3,112mln in same period 2012.

How were such miraculous savings achieved? Well, simple, really. In 2011 the state spent €10,655mln on “Non-Voted (Expenditure charged under particular legislation)” items and in 2012 this line of spending was only €1,775mln. 99% of these expenditures in both 2011 and 2012 relate to banks recapitalizations (and in 2012 added insurance fund support loan of €449.75mln). So the entire savings delivered by the Government amount to putting less money into Irish banks recapitalizations.

Here’s the summary of these ‘savings’.

TABLE

But wait, things are even worse! In 2011 Irish Government paid down the promissory note to the Anglo-Irish Bank in the amount of €3.085bn. This increased Government spending in that year. This year, the Government had converted the note into Government debt, and thus got to claim that there was no payment made, so instead of €3.085bn in spending, the State registered just the cost of conversion €25mln this time around.

All in, of the entire deficit reduction claimed by the media, full €8.9 billion of the ‘savings’ are simply what the Irish Government (rightly) claimed a year ago to be ‘temporary’ one-off measures. In other words, there is no reduction in deficit via expenditure side.

Let's do one final exercise: if we subtract one-off measures from the capital side, total - current and capital accounts exchequer deficit in the first seven months of 2011 was €8.24bn, in the same period of 2012 it is €7.35bn adding to it the reclassification measures and corporate tax carry over implies like-for-like deficit in 2012 of €7.78bn. Which means 'savings' of ca €426mln. 

Of these €306mln is accounted for by timing differences and cuts to voted capital spending which the Government is going to more than undo using the latest 'off-balancesheet' stimulus. And an unknown amount is due to Health Levy reclassification, let's say ca €250mln so far (an under-estimate for 2009 figures, but...) for which the Department does not appear to adjust the numbers. All in, Irish Exchequer finances have most likely deteriorated on comparable terms by around €80million in 7 months through July 2012 compared to 2011.

These are then the colossal savings that the headlines like "Ireland Cuts Deficit in Half" simply mis-represent.


Update: Someone highlighted that the Health Levy was incorporated into the PRSI receipts. My view of the Health Levy is based on this document.

29/02/2012: New Old Mini Budget?

Having predicted in my comments on Budget 2012 that we are likely to see an Emergency Budget 2012 closer to half-year results, I thought I was making just a risk assessment, backed by the confusion prompted by the DofF release of two rather significantly distinct forecasts for growth between two days of the Budget 2012 announcement. And now this.

Of course, the development of Budget 2012 took place under the assumed growth rate x2 of what is now being forecast by the IMF, the OECD & the EU Comm and roughly x3 times what is being predicted by other markets participants. My own forecast range is for -0.2 to 0.5 percent growth which at the upper range puts it at roughly 1/3 of the Budget assumptions. These developments since Budget 2012 release bound to rationally drive the Troika to push for revaluation, but one must wonder why on Earth would these not be made public to the people of Ireland? Why do we have to learn this from a leaked document from Germany?