Government's Plan for Ireland: Exclusive... Part 2

Here is the document I promised to post, with some of my own comments in italics.

Part 1:

28 January 2009

Framework for a Pact for Stabilisation, Social Solidarity and Economic Renewal

1. The Challenge
…While the uncertainty about international developments makes predictions difficult, Ireland now faces the prospect of:

• a reduction of up to 10% in national income over the 2008-10 period (January 9, 2009 Addendum to the Irish Stability Programme Update from the DofF states that we are expecting a cumulative of 6.2% decline in GDP and an 8.2% decline in GNP. Where is the ‘up to 10%’ figure is coming from?)
  
• a loss of more than 120,000 jobs over 2009 and 2010 (this is consistent with DofF latest forecast, so if the Government expects national income to fall more than the DofF predicts, should the unemployment figure expectations be higher as well?)
• an increase in unemployment to more than 10%
• tax revenues in 2008 more than €8 billion below expectations, and a further fall projected in 2009, creating an unsustainable Exchequer deficit
• without further adjustments, a General Government Deficit in the range of 11% to 12% of GDP for each year up to 2013
  

There are in fact significant downside risks to these projections including:

• a steeper or more prolonged downturn in our main trading partners
• the possibility that global financial market problems deepen or persist for some time
• further exchange rate appreciation
• a further decline in international and domestic confidence and investment

(So nothing really to do with us, then? Clearly our leaders do not think that the loss of competitiveness, sky-high costs, climbing taxes, inept governance, lack of any economic development platform for the future and a host of other problems besieging Ireland Inc are not something we should be concerned in the future...)

This document therefore sets out a framework within which the Government and Social Partners have agreed to develop a Pact for Stabilisation, Solidarity and Economic Renewal.

2. Shared response through partnership

...In developing a Pact, the Government and Social Partners are fully committed to an approach in which all sectors of society contribute in accordance with their ability to do so, and conversely the most vulnerable, low paid, unemployed and social welfare recipients are insulated against the worst effects of recession.

(It will be interesting to see how the Government is going to achieve this. Is the Revenue going to treat those of us who become unemployed in 2009 when it comes to collecting taxes for 2008 with kid gloves by ‘insulating’ us from the need to pay back taxes if doing so puts our families over the edge or is this a case of caring going too far? The Government certainly gave it no thought when it raised taxes in Budget 2009.)

The Government and Social Partners believe that by making the correct decisions now, and committing to working together through the further difficult challenges which lie ahead, we can deliver reforms which allow us to still realise our shared goals for Irish society, most recently outlined in Towards 2016, while also laying the foundations for sustainable economic recovery.

(Need I remind you that Towards 2016 is a document primarily designed to reward public sector workers, offering nothing to the vast majority of our private sector employees, taxpayers and consumers. Furthermore, I personally fail to see how, if the Government expects the crisis to continue through 2013, can we deliver on what was originally conceived as an 10-year long plan within 2 last years of its existence?)

More to follow...

Government's Plan for Ireland: Exclusive... Part 1

Watch this space - I will be publishing Government's Briefing to the Social Partners - received from my academic sources - as soon as I read through the document. For now, part 1 of analysis...

Since the beginning of this week, a media circus surrounds the hot air factory we call the Upper Merrion Street.

Yet, ask anyone in the street what they think will be the outcome of the Social Partnership talks and the responses you get are pragmatic. "Taxes will go up for all!" "[the unions] will make us pay for public sector salaries and job security." "The Partners will get nowhere. Look, the Government can't control its own spending."

They are right. Common sense tells us that the Government that sat on its hands as the crisis unrolled through out 2008 is simply incapable of change. Our Cabinet has no progressive thinkers at the top.

When Mr Cowen took over from Bertie the reigns of this state, his first economic argument was in favour of preserving lavish wage increases granted to senior public sector employees and politicians. Incidentally, this was also the last thing Bertie did as far as economic policy is concerned. When President Obama sat down for his first day in office, he froze salaries of senior public officials.

Notice the difference? Right, it's that leadership thing that Obama seems to have, while our Brian- Brian- Mary Tri-Headed Hydra appears to absolutely lack.

But don't take my words for it. Look at the economic policy tofu they've been feeding to the markets and the Social Partners in the last couple of weeks.

Per sources advising the talks participants on economics side, the Government has forwarded a proposal to the Partners that includes:

• significant 'income adjustments',
  
• the adoption of budgetary 'stabilization' programme for 2009-2013,
  
• a nationwide 'jobs and skills summit' to be presided over by FAS,
  
• a reform of taxation – after the Commission on Taxation produces its recommendations, and
• unspecified public expenditure 'savings' after mid-2009, and a reform of pensions.
  

All of these ideas have been floated by the Government since July 2008 and none have seen any progress, with exception for the first round of 'income adjustments' (oops, tax increases) passed in Budget 2009.

In fact, the Government has now fallen so far behind the news curve, that it is undoing its own earlier plans. For example, Department of Finance January 2009 Stability Report factors into its budgetary deficit projections the minimum level of public expenditure savings of €16.5bn through 2013. Yet, according to the news coming out of the Partnership talks, the Government was asking for 'up to €15bn in spending cuts in 2009-2013'.

So much for the adoption of a budgetary stabilization programme. DofF's forecast is for the Exchequer deficit to run at 9.5% of GDP in 2009, 9% in 2010, 6.5% in 2011 and 4.75% in 2012, assuming the Government cuts €16.5bn starting now, not in the second half of 2009. Without these cuts – we are likely to be in an Icelandic deficit territory through 2020.

Surreal? Wait till you look closer at the rest of the Government proposals.

'Income adjustments' for 2009 and beyond are nothing else but tax increases on ordinary families and consumers who already face higher taxes (income and VAT), rising unemployment, falling wages and upwardly mobile public services costs. If anyone thought that a near tripling in personal bankruptcies in 2008 was a sign of a serious problem, wait until our Government's efforts to 'stabilize' the economy take a massive bite out of ordinary incomes.

No FAS-led "Jobs Fair" would be able to mop up even one tenth of the unemployment created by these Government-induced 'income adjustments'. FAS spends ca 7 times the average annual wage per each job created. At this rate 85,000 jobs that the Department of Finance forecasts to be lost in 2009 will take a cool €20bn 'Job Fair' to replace. And 85,000 is the number not counting in the jobs lost by the rapidly evaporating foreign migrants.

Finally, don't be fooled by the lofty ideals of reforming taxation and pensions. The official brief has only one stated purpose for such reforms – to raise more revenue out of the private sector economy to pay for more spending. Public sector's favorite folly is to tie us all into a mandatory pension scheme and then take away tax incentives to save.

Not to help up to 250,000 homeowners who will be stuck in the negative equity by the end of 2009, nor to aid families crippled by childcare costs or healthcare bills. Most certainly – not to give an inch back to the pensioners and savers whose funds have been devastated by the collapsed market.

Our only hope is that a handful of economically literate Partners might stand their ground in these absurd talks. Otherwise, as a fellow panelist of mine exclaimed at a recent radio discussion concerning our economic future, "We all will be truly screwed…" By those who are supposed to serve us, I might add.

Corporate wipe-out and homeowners

Figures released by ICC Information today show that 21% of trading companies in Ireland have a ‘Negative Net Worth’. In other words, their balance sheet liabilities exceed the value of their assets. Net worth is composed primarily of all the money that has been invested since company inception, as well as retained earnings for the duration of its operation.

“A total of 28,513 trading companies in Ireland have a negative net worth according to their latest filed accounts. Not surprisingly the largest number of these were in the ‘Construction’ sector with 17.2%. However, in terms of actual monetary value ‘Leasing and Renting’ were top with a total negative net worth of over €7 billion.”

This is a scary sign of corporate debt overload, but it is also a sign of the unsustainable nature of many business models, especially those that emerged in 2003-2007 period of construction boom, based on cheap credit, over-supply of liquidity and overly optimistic valuations of demand.

This goes to the heart of debate about credit supply to Irish corporates.

Majority of these companies should not be rescued by cheaper fresh lending, as their businesses are no longer sustainable in the environment of much slower growth.

However, there is a second argument to be made against increasing the pressure on the banks to lend. Currently, some 140,000 households are in negative equity – with the value of their mortgages exceeding the value of their homes. Factoring in the down payments, stamp duty and closing costs, I would estimate that some 180,000 Irish households are actually in the negative equity territory, implying an insolvency risk rate of ca 9% for homeowners.

Large scale corporate bailouts and credit extensions will inevitably come at the expense of consumers and homeowners. Will this drive homeowners insolvency rates to 21% on par with the corporates? Imagine the number of financially bankrupt families in excess of 315,000…

Market view

US dividends are being cut at a record pace (see here) and this is a welcomed news as it marks the beginning of a turning point in the market. I do not mean the turning point for an upward swing in equity prices, at least not yet. I mean a turning point from the relentlessly accelerating down trend and into a flattening section of the U-curve.

Here is the logic - corporate profits are lagged at the very least one-to-two quarters from real demand. This suggests that an accelerating fall in the dividends reflects the economic reality of Q3-Q4 2008. Assuming the real side of the US economy is going to start settling into the bottom section of the U-shape correction sometime in February-March, the current reporting season will be pricing exactly this forecast. Any pick up in growth from the low figures of December-January will be a bonus point to Q2 dividends.

Regardless of such a pick up, equity markets downgrades in the next few weeks will bring share prices down to reflect dividend cuts.

This will set the stage for the next move. End of Q2 is likely to see some upturn in the US economy. Real GDP growth is likely to stay negative in annual terms, but the latter part of Q2 will be marked by a rise in growth from the lows of Q1.

Equity markets will lead this trend with a potential rally in late Q1 - early Q2. Dividend cuts anticipations for Q2 will already be priced in by then, so aggressive cost cutting measures - implying lower sensitivity of Q2 profits to any further economic slowdown in Q1 2009 - will provide some additional potential mid-Q2 boost to the share prices.

A late Q1-early Q2 rally will be a payoff to today's realism...

Global trade protectionism: politics at its worst

To start with, here is a great quote from Jagdish Bhagwati - courtesy of the Cato Institute's Center for Trade Policy Studies:

"[L]abour union lobbies and their political friends have decided that the ideal defence against competition from the poor countries is to raise their cost of production by forcing their standards up, claiming that competition with countries with lower standards is “unfair”. “Free but fair trade” becomes an exercise in insidious protectionism that few recognise as such."
"Obama and Trade: An Alarm Sounds," Financial Times. January 9, 2009.


Lest anyone thought that one party controlling the Congress and the White House is such a handy idea, there is a welcome package for the EU's exporters being prepared by the Democrats.

According to the reports in today's press, President Obama's much-awaited $825bn stimulus package will include a “Buy America” clause - the American Steel First Act. The act will ensure that only US-made steel will be used in $64 billion of federally financed infrastructure projects.

Clearly, Anyone-but-the-Republicans EU leadership is going to see some nasty surprises from the new Administration - if not courtesy of Mr Obama himself, then certainly thanks to the good old protectionist traditional Democrats that Europeans love so much.

The initiative has already secured the House of Representatives Appropriations Committee blessing and is about to trigger a new Steel War with Europe. The EU Commission is already making noises about taking the US to WTO. The US, of course, signed and ratified the WTO's Government Procurement Agreement which requires it to grant fair access to its federally financed projects to all competitors.

If course, some EU states themselves are toying with 'Buy Domestic' types of rescue packages. France, usually the leader of the protectionist pack despite being economically open when it comes to French sales and investments abroad has squeezed in a €6bn aid package for its automakers that includes a commitment for them to purchase on French-made components.

In the UK, plans to give state aid to car makers are also reportedly to include assurances from the comapnies not to use funds outside the country.

A similar €4bn package of aid to Saab and Volvo in Sweden also came with the same strings attached.

And then there is a decision to reintroduce dairy export subsidies by the EU's Agricultural Commissioner, Mariann Fischer Boel. The measure is not only protectionist, but came despite the EU commitment in November 2008 not to introduce new trade barriers in order to allow the troubled Doha Round of global trade talks to be finalised with some face-saving dignity for the WTO.

So maybe in the end Mr Obama is an EU-like President?

Of course, the developing nations are also moving in quickly to shut some of their markets to foreign competition, but this is hardly a reasonable ground for EU and US to start erecting their own trade barriers. History offers a somber reminder: passage of the 1930 Smoot-Hawley Tariff Act in the US triggered a wave of tariff increases across the world. Within a year, average foodstuffs tariffs went up 53% in France, 60% in Austria, 66% in Italy, 75% in Yugoslavia, 80% plus in Czechoslovakia, Germany, Romania and Spain and more than doubled in Bulgaria, Finland and Poland. We all know what that led the world...

Euro Area GDP forecast - Update I

Last month I predicted that the forward looking barometer of economic activity in the Euro-area, the €-coin indicator published by CEPR and Banca d’Italia will register a small temporary correction from its historically low level of -0.15% (growth of Euro-area GDP forecast) in December 2008. I also forecast that the Euro-coin indicator will follow the downward path in February back to -0.15% reading.Alas, I was too optimistic. Today’s Euro-coin data shows that the measure of economic activity in the Euro-area has fallen once again, this time to -0.21% in January 2009. This changes both my original forecast for February 2009 Euro-coin indicator and for Q1 2009 GDP growth rate in the Eurozone.

My new forecasts are:

• Eurozone GDP Growth rate: -0.8% in Q1 2009
• Euro-coin: -0.17-0.25 February-March 2009, with expected value of -0.22.
  

Irish policy & rising jobs losses

750 job losses at First Active, over 2,800 jobs losses last week alone... we are in a meltdown mode by all possible means and the social partnership, the government and most of the opposition are clearly out of depth on what needs to be done.

I said 'most of the opposition' because there are pieces and bits of forward thinking still coming through in a handful of statements issued by FG and Labour. However, these do not, as of yet, represent a credible and effective platform for a policy response.

Here is a statement from Fine Gael Enterprise Spokesman Leo Varadkar TD issued today:

"Fine Gael has called on the Government to waive PRSI payments in 2009 for companies taking on new employees, declare war on red tape, launch an immediate review of overpriced electricity and gas charges, and impose a freeze on local authority charges and Government levies. The Government must also scrap the damaging VAT hike in the Budget, and overhaul FÁS into a rapid reaction agency which can provide public works schemes for the unemployed.”

Good beginnings of a policy here, but take a deeper look:

• Waiving PRSI payments in 2009 for companies taking on new employees is, in effect, a subsidy for jobs creation, not for jobs retention. On the margin, it is an incentive to create lower-end jobs, but it will do nothing to preserve thousands of financial services jobs;
• Declaring war on red tape is simply sloganeering. Most of our red tape comes from Brussels and the Irish Government has no say on this. Instead, culling the army of quangoes that mushroomed in recent years and rebating the savings back to the taxpayers might help;
• Reviewing energy prices - a good idea, but beware: it will spell an end to the Green Party agenda of subsidising wind and other alternatives via minimum price guarantees. I personally have no problem with this, though;
• Freezing local charges and levies - at current levels - will do nothing more than provide an injection of a vitamins potion to a dying patient. We need a wholesale reform of the local authorities structure to lead in cutting - dramatically - these costs;
• VAT increases must be scrapped, and in fact, a cut in the VAT rate should be implemented, but the main problem is in declining after-tax incomes, not in rising consumption expenditure;
• Overhauling Fas into some sort of a lean, mean jobs-creation machine ignores the basic problem with this organisation - no state body can 'create' jobs. The best Fas can do is take money from the taxpayers and spend this money on token training programmes. The efficiency of such programmes to date has been €250K spent per job added. Even if Mr Varadkar manages to cut this by 2/3rds, it will still be more than €2.40 spent per €1 in average wages added. You might as well pay the unemployed that €1 in welfare and burn the remainder €1.40 in a fireplace. At the very least you'll get some heat - more than what you'll get out of 'overhauled' Fas. For a real solution to the Fas problem - see the second bullet point above.

This brings us to the issue of what should be done. The main problems, as I have pointed on numerous occasions, faced by our economy are:

1. Public sector insolvency;
2. Households' and companies' indebtedness; and
3. Uncompetitive domestic economy dragging down exports growth with it.
   

All three require a small number of resolute measures.

Public Sector: cut the spending (capital and current) by ca 10-15% and use one half of that to plug the deficit hole, while the other half should be rebated to the households to pay down homeowners' and pensions' deficits;

Households' balancesheets: the above will address, in part, the issue of precautionary savings demand and repair household balancesheets. More, though will be required to restore demand for credit, so use banks recapitalisation scheme to raise equity in the banks and rebate this equity back to the households via a voucher-like scheme;

Companies balancesheets: Many of the domestic Irish companies struggling today are, frankly, insolvent and incapable of operating as an ongoing concern in the environment where growth is slower than 4% per annum. These must be allowed to fail. As there is no better mechanism to sort the sick from the healthy than the market, the State should resist the desire to 'repair' companies' balancesheets. Instead, the state should enact emergency cuts in local authorities budgets and cut local authorities charges and tax cuts to consumers to stimulate demand (see below). One policy on business side to be enacted should involve a PRSI tax cut and the introduction of the full credit for private health insurance purchases against the health levy contributions.

Local Authorities & Quangoes/Regulatory Authorities (RA): Within 4 months, the Government should produce the first draft of a local authorities reforms package cutting the number of local authorities down to 4 - GDA, North East & Midlands, West and South. The savings to be achieved in this reform should be set at a minimum 50% of the combined budgets of the current authorities being pulled. A comprehensive review of the Quangoes and Regulators must be carried out by a non-political independent panel working in a transparent, open manner, reporting by April 1 2009. The objective should be to:

• completely and effectively separate regulatory authorities from their respective sectors and the Government;
• introduce effective RAs oversight by the Dail;
• reduce the number of quangoes by at least 75% and the number of RAs by at least 30%, with corresponding reductions in staff and budgets; and so on.

Domestic economy reforms:

(1) Tax policies:

• cut VAT back to 17% across the board,
  
• cut CGT to 15%,
  
• replace stamp duty with a land-value tax (or a variant of such) phased along some amortization schedule for stamp duty paid by the existent homeowners;

(2) Structural reforms

• dissolve the Social Partnership;
• privatise - via a public voucher system for disbursement of state shares - all semi-state enterprises (those state enterprises that hold more than 50% market share in their respective sectors - e.g ESB, CIE, DAA, VHI, etc) must be broken up in the process of privatisation;
• beef-up the Competition Authority with direct enforcement and prosecution powers;
• reform CBFSAI to detach it completely from the Department of Finance.

This is, by any measure, only a partial list of priorities. In fact, if anyone wants to add to the list, feel free to email your suggestions to me.

Eurzone's growing pain

Willem Buiter's post makes a timely and an obvious point that the new stage of the global financial crisis is beginning to pull Eurozone monetary structures apart. Buiter starts the argument by describing a rising tide of financial protectionism:

“Consequently, we have seen two forms of re-nationalisation of banking and finance. The first form of nationalisation has been the taking into partial or complete public ownership of banks and other financial institutions deemed too systemically important (too big, to interconnected or too politically connected) to fail. This has happened virtually everywhere... More examples will follow. The second form of re-nationalisation of banking and finance is the restriction of access to the fiscal and financial resources of the nation state just to those banks and other financial entities that have a significant presence in that nation state.”

Buiter points to the lack of coherent single fiscal policy platform for the EU as the underlying cause for these developments. In particular, he stresses that the Eurozone has common monetary policy, but national regulatory environments and fiscal polices, all pulling in different directions at the time of the crisis.

“The Eurozone is in a bit of a pickle here, because although it has a central bank with supposed uniform access to its resources for all Eurozone banks, regulation and supervision remain national and fiscal bail-outs (recapitalisation by the state, guarantees, insurance, loans or whatever provided by the sovereign) definitely remain national. When the central bank acts as market maker of last resort, as the Banca d’Italia is now doing in the Italian interbank market, it takes on significant credit risk which requires a fiscal back-up - the Italian Treasury. But that undermines the principle of equal treatment of banking institutions across the Eurozone...”


Solutions:
• either a “supranational fiscal authority with its own tax and borrowing powers, accountable to the European Parliament …and the Council...” or
• “…a pan-Eurozone fund, fully pre-funded and containing, say, 2 or 3 trillion euro to begin with. This Eurofund could be managed by the European Commission, subject to parliamentary oversight and control by the European Parliament and the Council. The fund could be drawn upon to provide financial assistance to systemically important troubled banks in the Eurozone, according to guidelines agreed by the EC, the EP, the Council and the ECB. …the fund [is] to raise its resources through the issuance of bonds that would be guaranteed jointly and severally by all Eurozone member states.”

Of course, there are other solutions, which Buiter omits for obvious political reasons. These include:
1. Doing nothing, threatening a disorderly collapse of the Euro, should the current crisis continue to deepen; or
2. Partially re-introducing parallel national currencies to run alongside the Euro.

The last option is a milder version of a ‘nuclear’ first option, but desperate times do call for desperate measures.

The two solutions Buiter proposes are about as realistic as Salvador Dali’s landscapes:

• A common fiscal policy is a complete non-starter at this time.
• While a joint EU15-wide fund would be welcomed by the EU officials – ever hungry to get more power – underwriting such a fund (in excess of 32% of the Eurozone 2008 GDP) will be crippling for national governments, especially at the time when their own finances are under immense pressure from banks bailouts and fiscal stimuli.

In addition, the ages old concern of Germany and other states that the fund will be abused by the less fiscally prudent states, e.g Italy, Spain and France, constrains its feasibility, while strained sovereign debt markets are constraining the feasibility of raising such amount of money to capitalize the fund.

In this framework, unless the current downturn is reversed in the next 3-6 months, it is clear that an evolutionary process of fiscal policy responses and monetary policy constraints across the Eurozone will be creating more incentives for Balkanization of the Euro. Short of lapsing into oblivious denial of the reality, it is only a matter of managing this process that the ECB can be concerned with at this moment in time.

Public Sector: A Feast Amidst the Plague: Update I

Here is another interesting observation concerning Public Sector earnings.

The figure below clearly shows that wages in the lowest earning categories of public sector fall within 1 standard deviation of the total public sector wage (i.e the average). This disputes an argument that there is any significant degree of heterogeneity in pay within our public sector.

Statistically, this shows that not a single category of workers in the Public Sector (identified by their respective sub-sectors of employment) earn less than the overall Public Sector average.

Indeed, this data (taken from the CSO - see here) proves that within the public sector, the so-called 'low paid' areas or professions enjoy a relatively average rate of pay, with the average itself being artificially inflated by the higher earning categories. In other words, there is no pleading relative poverty for any sub-sector of the public sector employment.

PS: Did anyone notice an apparently bizarre logic our public sector trade unions have taken to in arguing against any cuts in public sector wages?

Well, they are arguing that such a cut would be deflationary (in case you have not noticed, deflation is a new evil). Thus, their argument goes, to rescue our economy out of the current crisis, one should stick to the excessive wage increases granted to the public sector employees under the last Social Partnership deal. But hold on, weren't the same trade unions also arguing that high inflation in the past made it imperative to raise wages paid to the public sector employees?

In other words, ICTU/SIPTU and the rest of them are having it both ways: inflation or deflation, they'll have a pay rise in the name of the nation's economic health...

Have a cake, eat it, and get the rest of us to pay for both?

Public Sector: A Feast Amidst the Plague

According to the latest CSO figures (here):
“Average weekly earnings in the Public Sector (excluding Health) rose by 2.9% in the year to September 2008. The index of average earnings …rose by 3.6% for the same period. Average weekly earnings rose by 1.7% in the year to June 2008 while the index of average earnings rose by 2.5% for the same period.”

Oh, no, I am not making this up. Here is an illustration from CSO's release:Only a month-and-a-half after Mr Lenihan thundered first about saving €440mln in 2008 (he actually ended the year overspending €370mln rather than saving a penny) and €2bn in 2009 (we know where that promise is going) and a month before he launched his ‘patriotic’ tax increases in Budget 2009, according to CSO:
• Public sector wages were still climbing up, while
• Public sector employment… well, shall we let CSO speak on this:
“A total of 258,200 people were employed in the Public Sector (ex Health) in September 2008 compared to 251,100 in September 2007 [a rise of 7,100]. In the year to September 2008 employment in the Education sector increased from 93,500 to 97,900, a rise of 4,400. Overall employment in the Public Sector was 369,100 in September 2008, an increase of 5,200 compared with September 2007. Employment in the Health Sector decreased from 112,800 in September 2007 to 110,800 in September 2008, a decrease of 2,000.”

Chart illustrates…
All sub-sectors of public employment are up! While the rest of the economy is buckling under the weight of a severe recession.

Oh, dear, who can now take our Brian-Brian-Mary Trio seriously?


PS: to our previous post (here):
According to CSO release today, retail sales volumes fell by 1.2% m-o-m in November, with the annual rate of decline of 8.1% (exacerbating a 7.5% decline in October). The last time the annual rate fell to these levels was in February 1984. November core sales (ex-motor) volumes fell by 1.9% m-o-m, and by 7.8% y-o-y. Car sales were down 11% y-o-y. Overall, core retail sales have now fallen - in y-o-y terms - at a rate not seen since April 1975. Consumers are clearly boycotting Brian-Brian-Mary policies and spending only on bare necessities at home, preferring to take their Euros to Northern Ireland, the UK, the Continent, the US or anywhere else where they are welcomed. In doing so, they indeed fulfill their real (ass opposed to Lenihaenesque) patriotic duty of serving their families' needs!


PPS: a fellow economist (hat tip to Brian) just asked (rhetorically) if these figures mean that we might register and unadjusted decline in December retail sails. My view - quite possibly. And January sales, and February sales, and so on, well into a -4.5-6% fall in retail sales for 2009! Laffer Curve is merciless - raise taxes, see revenue evaporate. Brian-Brian-Mary should have been sent to Economics 101 before they were allowed to run the country!

Living in the world of delirium

Irish Times today reports that "the Cabinet will today continue its discussions on ways to achieve a €2 billion reduction in costs."

Take a step back:

National deficit for 2009 is projected by the Department of Finance to reach 10.5% of GDP in 2009 before any adjustments (i.e Bord Snip cuts and Mr Lenihan's 'patriotism' tokens from July) are taken. That is, assuming a 4% drop in GDP in 2008 levels, a cool €18.9bn. Now, add €5bn in April bonds redemption due and the cost of banks recapitalization, as estimated by the Government - we are potentially €33.9bn in a hole. From there on, its anyone's guess what the cost of operating the nationalized bank(s) and other ancillary spend items might be, but let's be 'patriotic' and stop at that €33.9bn figure.

The Government is now 'working hard' to get €2bn through the door - the same €2bn that Lenihan demanded in savings for 2009 back in July 2008! Six months later, he is still at it.

In other words, and here the Irish Times is naturally silent, this Government cannot get even a lousy €2bn in savings out of ca €34bn that it will need! And they have audacity to talk about 'national sacrifices'?

Forget Sean Fitzpatrick's loans, forget incompetent bankers who could not get risk/return relationships right in their lending decisions - the real scandal is the fact that this Government is playing us all for their willing milking cows. There is no national recovery plan! There is no willingness to take tough decisions! Hell, there is not even a realisation of the true extent of the problems we face! There is an incompetent, cronyist Government-by-appeasement that is clearly banking on borrowing and taxing its way through the recession to avoid angering its main constituency - the public sector unions.

And now, run through the Irish Times again (here):

No one on the Times team connected the dots from the gutless, incompetent governance to the economically illiterate and morally insulting Budget 2009 to the news that Superquinn will axe 400 jobs and shut its store in Dundalk. And yet this connection is there for anyone to see.

In 2002-2007, the current FF Government (for there is no real change save for Charlie McCreevy's and Bertie's departures) squandered away billions of our money to pay off its own constituencies. All of this waste has gone up to fuel business costs increases across the country that left Ireland in a position of being completely uncompetitive relative to our, already uncompetitive, neighbour - the NI. Mr Cowen presided over this gratuitous mismanagement of public finances as the Minister of the Exchequer. Mr Lenihan was on the sidelines of economic policymaking, but he did not seemed to have minded what was going on around him. Ms Coughlan was at the coalface of the FF-led welfare banquet as a minister for agriculture, although she was wasting billions of European taxpayers money there.

The same Trio has passed the Budget 2009 income tax levies and has raised VAT – wiping out thousands of jobs in this economy. The same Trio is now presiding over a charade process that is supposed to bring the state budget under control and resuscitate economy.

The end game? We will end up being forced to accept worthless 'National Recovery Bonds' in a way of pay, as our taxes will rise to 25% & 50% range by Q3 2009, our savings wiped out to pay the army of inefficient and over-paid state workers.

Update: Mushroom Cloud III

Here is an updated chart...

After talking to a couple of fellow economists - both admittedly gloomier than myself - I came to a conclusion that Brian Lenihan simply must face the nation on what is holding him back from putting forward a real rescue plan for Ireland's bettered economy:

• is it the internal opposition by the Cabinet to do anything that will potentially anger public sector trade unions, or
• is it his own Department inability to provide logistical support for a credible and effective plan?

It is now clear, despite a recent 'consensus' amongst the Government-fed economists, that the country needs rapid and significant cuts in public spending, a tax stimulus (across income tax, VAT and payroll tax) and a round of privatizations (carried out in voucher form to transfer ownership of state enterprises to the public, improving private households' balance sheets). These must be enacted before the end of February. In the medium term, we need a dramatic reform of the stamp duty on property (moving in the direction of a land value taxation system), a long-term reform package for public services and a political reforms pack to include reduction and consolidation of local authorities, reduction of the number of TDs and the size of the Cabinet and an overhaul of our Byzantine system of Departments and Quangoes.

Given the above chart, we have no longer the luxury of time to wait for various Committees and Commissions' reports - it is time to act now!