Showing posts with label Oil prices. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Oil prices. Show all posts

Wednesday, May 6, 2020

6/5/20: The Glut of Oil: Strategic Reserves


The Giant Glut of Oil continues (see my analysis of oil markets fundamentals here: https://trueeconomics.blogspot.com/2020/04/23420-what-oil-price-dynamics-signal.html)


China strategic oil reserves have also surged. U.S. oil reserves are now nearing total capacity of 630 million barrels, and China's reserves are estimated to be about 90% of the total capacity of 550 million barrels. Japan's reserves similar (capacity of ca 500 million barrels). Australia is using leased U.S. strategic reserves capacity to pump its own stockpiles, with its domestic storage capacity already full. 

Thursday, April 23, 2020

23/4/20: What Oil Price Dynamics Signal About Future Growth


My column at The Currency this week covers the fundamentals of oil prices and what these tell us about the markets expectations for economic recovery: https://www.thecurrency.news/articles/15674/supply-demand-and-the-dilemma-of-trade-what-the-collapse-in-oil-prices-tells-you-about-post-covid-10-economy.


Key takeaways:

  • "...current futures market pricing is suggesting that traders and investors expect much slower recovery from the Covid-19 pandemic than the V-shaped one forecast by the analysts’ consensus and the like of the IMF and the World Bank. 
  • "As a second order effect, oil markets appear to be pricing post-Covid-19 economic environment more in line with below historical trends global growth, similar to that evident in the economic slowdown of 2018-2019, rather than a substantial expansion on foot of the sharp Covid- shock."

Monday, November 14, 2016

13/11/16: Oil Prices: Still in the Whirlpool of Uncertainty

This is an unedited, longer, version of my article for the Sunday Business Post covering my outlook for oil prices.


Traditionally, crude oil acts as a hedge and a safe haven against currencies and bond markets volatility. Not surprisingly, during the upheaval of the U.S. Presidential election this week, when dollar went into a temporary tailspin, equity markets sharply contracted and bonds prices fell, all eyes turned to the risk management staples: gold, oil and, on a more exotic side of trades, Bitcoin. Gold and Bitcoin did not surprise, staunchly resisting markets sell-offs and gaining in value. But oil prices tanked. The old, historically well-established correlation did not apply. Instead of rising, U.S. oil futures fell in the immediate aftermath of Donald Trump’s surprise victory, and then, in line with the stock markets, futures rose. Within the day, U.S. crude futures prices were back at USD45.27 a barrel on the New York Mercantile Exchange, while Brent rose back USD46.36 marker. More broadly, the S&P 500 Energy Sector Index rose 1.5 percent within 12 hours of the election results announcement.

This breakdown in historical patterns of correlations between crude and financial assets prices underlines the simple reality of the continuous oil markets slump: we are in the new normal of systemically low oil valuations underpinned by the very same driving forces that precipitated the crude price collapse from over USD100 per barrel to their mid-to-high 40’s today. These forces are three-fold, comprising reduced demand for energy, reduced demand for oil as a source of energy, and increased supply of oil.

Prices and Stocks

Currently, oil prices are rebounding from the eight-week lows, but prices remain sensitive to any signals of changes in demand and supply. The reason for this is the excess stockpile of oil stored in tankers, ground facilities and at refineries. Most recent U.S. federal data showed oil stockpiles swelling well ahead of the markets expectations, as producers continue to pump oil unabated.

U.S.-held inventories of oil were at 2.43 million barrels at the beginning of November, based on the data from the U.S. Energy Information Administration. American Petroleum Institute puts total stocks of oil in storage and production at 4.4 million barrels - more than 1 million barrels in excess of the seasonally-adjusted forecast for demand. And at the end of October, the U.S. posted a 34-year record in weekly increases in crude and gasoline stocks - at 14.4 million barrels.

The U.S. is no exception to the trend. OPEC recently revised its outlook for oil price recovery for the next three years based on the cartel’s expectation that current levels of production will remain in place for longer than anyone anticipated. Per OPEC latest forecast, we won’t see oil hitting USD60 per barrel until 2020. Only twelve months ago, OPEC forecast for 2020 was USD80 per barrel.

Similar forecasts revisions were produced a month ago by the IMF. In its World Economic Outlook forecast, the IMF revised its outlook for 2016 crude prices from USD50.54 per barrel forecast in October 2015 to USD 42.96 per barrel. 2017 full year price forecast moved from USD55.42 in October 2015 to USD50.64 in October 2016. If in 2015 the IMF was predicting oil prices to hit USD60 marker by mid-2018, today the Fund is projecting oil prices remaining below USD58 per barrel through 2021.


Both, the OPEC and the IMF forecast lower global economic in 2016 and 2017. The IMF outlook is based on world GDP expanding by just 3.08 percent in 2016 and 3.4 percent in 2017, well below post-Crisis average of 3.85 percent and pre-crisis average of 4.94 percent. OPEC forecast for oil prices is based on similarly pessimistic growth outlook for 3.4 percent average growth over the next six years, down from 3.6 percent forecast issued in October 2015.

Alternative Energy: Rising Substitutes

As demand for energy in general remains weak, alternative sources of energy are starting to take a larger bite out of the total energy consumption. Solar power capacity has almost tripled in the U.S. over the last 3 years. Renewables share of the U.S. power supply rose from around 4 percent of total power generation in 2013 to 8 percent this year, on its way to exceed 9 percent in 2017. Solar energy supply is now growing at a rate of almost 40 per annum, spurred on by the Federal solar tax credits, extended by the Congress in early 2016. In Germany, following the Government adoption of Energiewende policies — a strategy that aims to move energy supply away from oil and uranium — renewables now provide almost 30 percent of electricity, on average. And Gwermany’s upper chamber of parliament, the Bundesrat, has passed a resolution calling on the EU to create a system of harmonised taxation and vehicle duties that can ensure that only emission-free cars will be registered in Europe by 2030. On the other side of the spectrum, in the OPEC member states and Russia, renewables energy production is currently standing at below 5 percent of total energy demand. While the number is relatively low, it is rising fast and countries from Saudi Arabia to United Arab Emirates to Russia - all have significant ambitions in terms of lifting non-oil based energy output. In Abu-Dhabi, a recently approved solar energy project will deliver electricity at a cost below coal-fired power plants, at 2.42 US cents per kilowatt-hour, setting world record for the cheapest solar energy supply. Dubai plans to get 25 percent of its energy needs from renewables by 2030. The target is to reach 75 percent by 2050. Even Iran is opening up to use of renewables, with wind and solar investments in 2016-2017 pipeline amounting to close to USD12 billion. In Jordan, just one wind farm - a 38-turbine strong Tafila - is supplying 3 percent of country electricity, since production began in 2015.

All-in, globally, estimated 7 percent of oil demand decline over the last 5 years is accounted for by energy sources substitution. The key drivers for this trend are new environmental agreements, putting more emphasis on alternative energy generation, local environmental pressures (especially in China), and the desire to shift oil production to export markets, away from domestic consumption. Another incentive is to use clean power to reduce domestic subsidies to fossil fuels. According to the IMF report published earlier this year, Middle East, North Africa and Central Asia account for almost one half of the total worldwide energy subsidies. Since the onset of the oil price shock, UAE, Egypt, Oman and Saudi Arabia have been cutting back on fossil fuels subsidies and bringing retail prices for energy closer to market standards.

The second order effect of the above changes in energy composition mix is that moving away from subsidised fossil fuels improves markets transparency and reduces corruption. It also compensates for declines in oil prices in terms of exports earnings.

Drilling at These Prices?

As slower global growth and increasing substitution away from fossil fuels are suppressing demand for oil, supply of the ‘black gold’ is showing no signs of abating. Per latest OPEC statement, oil producers, especially in North America, surprised markets analysts by failing to curb production volumes in response to weak prices.  OPEC members have been running production volumes near historical records through out the 3Q 2016. And in the U.S., the Energy Department raised its production forecasts for both 2016 and 2017. However, U.S. crude output this year is unlikely to match the 2015 levels - the highest on record since 1972. All in, the Energy Department now estimates that 2016 average daily production will be around 8.8 million barrel per day (bpd), which is lower than 9.5 million bpd delivered in 2015, but more than forecast for 2016 back in September. Likewise, for 2017, the Energy Department revised its September forecast from 8.57 million bpd to just over 8.7 million bpd in October. Through the second and third quarters of 2016, North American drillers actually increased drilling activity as prices improved relative to late 2015. The number of active oil rigs operating in the U.S. is now up by more than 130 compared to May counts and the rate of new rigs additions is remaining high, rising to 2 percent last week alone.

Russia and Iran

A combination of stagnant or even declining demand, and expanding production means that the only change in the flat trend in oil prices over the next 6-12 months can come only from a policy shock on the supply side. For OPEC, Iran and Russia such a shock is unlikely to happen. Majority of oil exporting economies have either fully (as in the case of Russia and Iran) or partially (as in the case of Saudi Arabia) adjusted their economic policy frameworks to reflect low price of energy environment.

I asked, recently, Konstantin Bochkarev of Forex-BKS, who is one of the leading financial markets analysts working in the Russian markets for a comment on the current state of play in Russian economic policies in relation to oil prices. In his view, “It looks like the worst is over for the Russian economy in terms of adaptations to low oil prices, Western sanctions, geopolitical risks and other challenges of last two years. Sub-50-55 USD oil or even $40 is the new reality and it doesn’t scare any more. On the other hand low efficiency of the economic policy in Russia (due to a lot of constraints like the lack of reforms and the will to change anything before the President election in 2018) means that there’s rather huge cap for the Russian GDP growth which can be limited by 1%-1.5% at 40-55 USD oil.” Overall, “the «crisis policy» which was rather successful during this recession and led to the stabilization of the macroeconomic situations. The recapitalization of the Russian banking system, free float of the Russian ruble, higher interest rates, the transparency of the CBR policy and rather tight budget policy. All these measures finally led to 6% inflation by the end of 2016, rather sufficient decrease in volatility of the Russian ruble and less correlation with oil prices.” And moving away from the petroleum-dominated economy has had even deeper impact. Per Bochkarev, “Oil can’t solve all your problems any more whether it’s 40$ or 100$, because changing social and business environment, external and internal challenges demand something more than budget without deficit or stable cash flow. Still low oil prices can accelerate changes in the Russian economy and society and lead to some necessary reforms or unpopular measures.”

In a sense, Russian experience shows the direction that many oil exporting economies are heading in the age of low oil prices: the direction of accelerated fiscal and monetary responses and gradual structural economic reforms. In some areas, Russia took its medicine first and in a larger dose, but other big producers, including Iran and Saudi Arabia, as well as UAE are also traveling down the same path.

As an aside, it is worth noting that Iranian production is growing ahead of expectations. Per Bloomberg report:  “Output at the fields west of the Karoun River, near Iran’s border with Iraq, rose to about 250,000 barrels per day from 65,000 barrels in 2013, the Oil Ministry’s news service Shana reported Sunday, citing President Hassan Rouhani at a ceremony to formally open the project. Iran had expected to reach that output target by the end of the year, Mohsen Ghamsari, director for international affairs at the National Iranian Oil Co., said in September.” (http://www.bloomberg.com/news/articles/2016-11-13/iran-pumps-more-oil-as-saudi-minister-calls-for-opec-output-cuts)

Since the easing of the sanctions, starting with end of January 2016, Iran’s output rose from just around 2.82 million bpd to ca 3.65 million bpd.

Russian producers are also hardly feeling a pinch. According to Bochkarev, “Tax system plays a much more important role in the Russian oil companies production decisions than the rise or fall in oil prices. Whether oil is $40 or $100 per barrel majors are generating generally the same financial results. Besides almost oil majors are stable even at $30 oil. The decreases in oil prices are easily compensated by the fall in the ruble exchange rate. So cost control or cost cutting plays much more important role in other sectors of the Russian economy.”

Still, Russia and Iran might be heading into a direct competition in the European markets, where geopolitics and legacy contracts are changing the playing field away from simple price competition. This new - since January 2016 - competitive dynamic may be a longer term, rather than a current issue, however, according to Bochkarev. “It doesn’t look like that Iranian oil is huge challenge for Russian majors next several years. Numerous consumers who stopped buying the oil from Iran due to sanctions made some changes to their refinery or productions lines and equipment. So Iran has to offer some kind of bonus or lower oil prices to make them return to its oil. Probably it’s much easier for Iran to deal with China, India and other countries in Asia in order to find export markets for its oil. Iran can try to restore market share in Europe but the other hand of such policy can be lower oil prices or necessary discounts. LNG Imports from the US as well as the bigger role of Qatar and Iran in the future are already evident in European markets. The unique status of Gazprom is probably now a matter of the past but the more competitive market can finally make Gazprom more competitive.”

Trump Cards

Which means that economic policies shocks that can alter the current flat growth trend for oil prices are unlikely to come from the OPEC+ countries. Instead, the key to the near-term future variation in oil price trend will most likely come from the U.S. The markets are still assessing the full impact of Mr. Trump’s victory on his foreign and energy policies - the two key areas that are likely to alter the supply side of oil equation, as well as his economic policies that might influence the demand side and inflation. Starting with the latter, if - as promised during the election - the new White House Administration deploys a significant infrastructure and spending stimulus across the U.S. economy, we can expect both the demand for oil to firm up, clearing out some, but not all of the excess supply currently available in the markets. A stimulus to the U.S. growth is also likely to trigger higher inflation. With oil generally being a historical hedge against inflationary pressures, the likely outcome of improved growth performance across the U.S. will be a rise in oil prices from the current range of mid-40s to mid-50s and upper-50s, slightly above the IMF forecasts for 2017 and well ahead of the current market prices.

On the other hand, President-elect has promised to shift Federal supports away from alternative energy toward ‘clean coal’, oil and gas sectors. If he gets his way, the impact will be more American oil flowing to exports and higher excess supply, with lower prices. Mr. Trump’s election is likely to see the Republicans-controlled Congress moving to approve more export-driven pipelines, reducing the cost of oil transport from shale oil rich regions, such as Ohio and Pennsylvania, as well as North Dakota, and increasing incentives to boost production levels. Beyond stimulating production of the U.S. oil, Trump Administration is also likely to green light Keystone XL pipeline that will connect Canadian oil sands to exports terminals in the Gulf of Mexico. This will further expand supply of cheaper oil in the global markets.


Combining the two factors, it appears that the current IMF and OPEC outlook for 2017 for oil prices may be rather optimistic.

Barring a significant surge in global (as opposed to the U.S. alone) growth, and absent supportive cuts to production by the OPEC and other major producing countries, in all likelihood we will see oil prices drifting toward USD52-55 per barrel range toward the second half of 2017. Until then, any significant repricing of oil from USD47-48 per barrel price levels up will be a speculative bet on strong economic growth uptick in the U.S.

Tuesday, September 13, 2016

13/9/16: U.S. business investment slump: oil spoil?


Credit Suisse The Financialist recently asked a very important question: How low can U.S. business investment go? The question is really about the core drivers of the U.S. recovery post-GFC.

As The Financialist notes: “Over the last 50 years, there has usually been just one reason that businesses have slashed investment levels for prolonged periods of time—because the economy was down in the dumps.”

There is a handy chart to show this much.


“Not this time”, chimes The Financialist. In fact, “Private, nonresidential fixed investment fell 1.3 percent in real terms over the previous year in the second quarter of 2016, the third consecutive quarterly decline.” This the second time over the last 50 years that this has happened without there being an ongoing recession in the U.S.

Per Credit Suisse, the entire problem is down to oil-linked investment. And in part they are right. Latest figures reported by Bloomberg suggest that oil majors are set to slash USD1 trillion from global investment and spending on exploration and development. This is spread over 6 years: 2015-2020. So, on average, we are looking at roughly USD160 bn in capex and associated expenditure cuts globally, per annum. Roughly 2/3rds of this is down to cuts by the U.S. companies, and roughly 2/3rds of the balance is capex (as opposed to spending). Which brings potential cuts to investment by U.S. firms to around USD70 billion per annum at the upper envelope of estimates.

Incidentally, similar number of impact from oil price slump can be glimpsed from the fact that over 2010-2015, oil companies have issued USD1.2 trillion in debt, most of which is used for funding multi annual investment allocations.

Wait, that is hardly a massively significant number.

Worse, consider shaded areas marking recessions. Notice the ratio of trough to peak recoveries in investment in previous recessions. The average for pre-2007 episode is a 1:3 ratio (per one unit recovery, 3 units growth post-recovery). In the current episode it was (at the peak of the recovery) 1:0.6. Worse yet, notice that in all previous recoveries, save for dot.com bubble crisis and most recent Global Financial Crisis, recoveries ended up over-shooting pre-recession level of y/y growth in capex.

Another thing to worry about for 'oil's the devil' school of thought on corporate investment slowdown: slump in oil-related investment should be creating opportunities for investment elsewhere. One example: Norway, where property investments are offsetting fully decline in oil and gas related investment. When oil price drops, consumers and companies enjoy reallocation of resources and purchasing power generated from energy cost savings to other areas of demand and investment. Yet, few analysts can explain why contraction in oil price (and associated drop in oil-related investment) is not fuelling investment boom anywhere else in the economy.

To me, the reason is simple. Investing companies need three key factors to undertake capex:
1) Surplus demand compared to supply;
2) Technological capacity for investment; and
3) Policy and financial environment that is conducive to repatriation of returns from investment.

And guess what, they have none of these in the U.S.

Surplus demand creates pressure factor for investment, as firms face rapidly increasing demand with stable or slowly rising capacity to supply this demand. That is what happens in a normal recovery from a crisis. Unfortunately, we are not in a normal recovery. Consumer and corporate demand are being held down by slow growth in incomes, significant legacy debt burdens on household and corporate balance sheets, and demographics. Amplified sense of post-crisis vulnerability is also contributing to elevated levels of precautionary savings. So there is surplus supply capacity out there and not surplus demand. Which means that firms need less investment and more improvement in existent capital management / utilisation.

Technologically, we are not delivering a hell of a lot of new capacity for investment. Promising future technologies: AI-enabled robotics, 3-D printing, etc are still emerging and are yet to become a full mainstream. These are high risk technologies that are not exactly suited for taking over large scale capex budgets, yet.

Finally, fiscal, monetary and regulatory policies uncertainty is a huge headache across a range of sectors today. And we can add political uncertainty to that too. Take monetary uncertainty alone. We do not know 3-year to 5-year path for U.S. interest rates (policy rates, let alone market rates). Which means we have no decent visibility on the cost of capital forward. And we have a huge legacy debt load sitting across U.S. corporate balance sheets. So current debt levels have unknown forward costs, and future investment levels have unknown forward costs.

Just a few days ago I posted on the latest data involving U.S. corporate earnings (http://trueeconomics.blogspot.com/2016/09/7916-dont-tell-cheerleaders-us.html) - the headline says it all: the U.S. corporate environment is getting sicker and sicker by quarter.

Why would anyone invest in this environment? Even if oil is and energy are vastly cheaper than they were before and interest rates vastly lower...

Monday, May 23, 2016

23/5/16: Oil Exporting Countries: Sovereign Risk Metrics


Credit Suisse on fiscal woes of oil exporters:


As a reminder, here are projected 2016 sovereign debt levels across the main oil exporting countries:

Source: IMF

Followed by gross deficits:

Source: IMF

And adding current account balances:

Source: IMF

Now, the list of main oil exporters via http://www.worldstopexports.com/worlds-top-oil-exports-country/ in 2015:

  1. Saudi Arabia: US$133.3 billion (17% of total crude oil exports)
  2. Russia: $86.2 billion (11%)
  3. Iraq: $52.2 billion (6.6%)
  4. United Arab Emirates: $51.2 billion (6.5%)
  5. Canada: $50.2 billion (6.4%)
  6. Nigeria: $38 billion (4.8%)
  7. Kuwait: $34.1 billion (4.3%)
  8. Angola: $32.6 billion (4.1%)
  9. Venezuela: $27.8 billion (3.5%)
  10. Kazakhstan: $26.2 billion (3.3%)
  11. Norway: $25.7 billion (3.3%)
  12. Iran: $20.5 billion (2.6%)
  13. Mexico: $18.8 billion (2.4%)
  14. Oman: $17.4 billion (2.2%)
  15. United Kingdom: $16 billion (2%)
Taking out advanced economies and using the data plotted in three charts above, here are the rankings of each oil exporting country in terms of their sovereign risks (the lower the score, the lower is the risk):


Friday, April 15, 2016

15/4/16: Of Breakeven Price of Oil: Russia v ROW


There has been much confusion in recent months as to the 'break-even' price of oil for Russian and other producers. In particular, some analysts have, in the past, claimed that Russian production is bust at oil prices below USD40pb, USD30pb and so on.

This ignores the effects of Ruble valuations on oil production costs. Devalued Ruble results in lower U.S. Dollar break-even pricing of oil production for Russian producers.

It also ignores the capital cost of production (which is not only denominated in Rubles, with exception of smaller share of Dollar and Euro-denominated debt, but is also partially offset by the cross-holdings of Russian corporate debt by affiliated banks and investment funds). It generally ignores capital structuring of various producers, including the values of tax shields and leverage ratios involved.

Third factor driving oil break-even price for Russian (and other) producers is ability to switch some of production across the fields, pursuing lower cost, less mature fields where extraction costs might be lower. This is independent of type of field referenced (conventional vs unconventional oils).

Russian Energy Ministry recently stated that Russian oil production break-even price of Brent for Russian producers is around USD 2 pb, which reflects (more likely than not) top quality fields for conventional oil. Russian shale reserves break-even at USD20 pb. In contrast, Rosneft estimates break-even at USD2.7 pb (February 2016 estimate) down from USD4.0 pb (September 2015 estimate).

Here is a chart mapping international comparatives in terms of break-even prices that more closely resembles the above statements:


Here is another chart (from November 2015) showing more crude averaging, with breakdown between notional capital costs (not separating capital costs that are soft leverage - cross-owned - from hard leverage - carrying hard claims on EBIT):


Another point of contention with the above figures is that they use Brent grade pricing as a benchmark, whereby Russian oil is priced at Urals grade, while U.S. prices oil at WTI (see here: http://oilprice.com/Energy/Crude-Oil/Will-Russian-Urals-Overtake-Brent-As-The-Worlds-Oil-Benchmark.html). All three benchmarks are moving targets relative to each other, but adjusting for two factors:

  • Historical Brent-Urals spread at around 3.5-4 USD pb and
  • Ongoing increase in Urals-like supply of Iranian oil
we can relatively safely say that Russian break-even production point is probably closer to USD7.5-10 pb Brent benchmark than to USD20pb or USD30pb.

Another interesting aspect of the charts above is related to the first chart, which shows clearly that Russian state extracts more in revenues, relative to production costs, from each barrel of oil than the U.S. unconventional oil rate of revenue extraction. Now, you might think that higher burden of taxation (extraction) is bad, except, of course, when it comes to the economic effects of the curse of oil. In normal economic setting, a country producing natural resources should aim to capture more of natural resources revenues into reserve funds to reduce its economic concentration on the extractive sectors. So Russia appears to be doing this. Which, assuming (a tall assumption, of course) Russia can increase efficiency of its fiscal spending, means that Russia can more effectively divert oil-related cash flows toward internal investment and development.

During the boom years, it failed to do so (see here: http://trueeconomics.blogspot.com/2016/02/10216-was-resource-boom-boom-for.html) although it was not unique amongst oil producers in its failure. 

Note: WSJ just published some figures on the same topic, which largely align with my analysis above: http://graphics.wsj.com/oil-barrel-breakdown/?mod=e2tw.

Update: Bloomberg summarises impact of low oil prices on U.S. banks' balancesheets: http://www.bloomberg.com/news/articles/2016-04-15/wall-street-s-oil-crash-a-story-told-in-charts.

Update 2: Meanwhile, Daily Reckoning posted this handy chart showing the futility of forecasting oil prices with 'expert' models

Sunday, January 31, 2016

31/1/16: Why is Inflation so Low? Debt + Demand + Oil = Central Bankers


One of the prevalent themes in macroeconomic circles in recent months has been what I call the “Hero Central Banker” syndrome. The story goes: faced with the unprecedented challenges of dis-inflation, Heroic Central Bankers did everything possible to induce prices recovery by deploying printing presses in innovative and outright inventive ways, but only to see their efforts undermined by the falling oil prices.

Of course, the meme is pure bull.

Firstly, there is no disinflation. There is a risk of deflation. Let’s stop pretending that negative growth rates in prices can be made somewhat more benign if we just contextualise them into a narrative of surrounding ‘recovery’. Dis-inflation is deflation anchored to an invented period duration of which no one knows, but everyone assumes to be short. And there is no hard definition of what 'short' really means either.

Secondly, there is no mystery surrounding the question of why on earth would we have ‘dis-inflation’ in the first place. Coming out of the Global Financial Crisis, the world remains awash with legacy debt (households) and new debt (corporates and governments). This simply means that no one, save for larger corporations and highly-rated governments, can borrow much in the post-GFC world. And this means that no one has much of money to spend on ‘demanding’ stuff. This means that markets are stagnating or shrinking on demand side. Now, the number of companies competing for stagnant or shrinking market is not falling. Which means these companies are getting more desperate to maintain or increase their market shares. Of these companies, those that can borrow, do borrow to fund their expansions (less via capex and more via M&As) and to support their share prices (primarily via buy-backs and further via M&As); and the same companies also cut prices to keep their effectively insolvent or debt-loaded customers. slow growing supply chases even slower growing (if not contracting) demand… and we have ‘dis-inflation’.

Note: much of this dynamic is driven by the QE that makes debt cheaper for those who can get it, but more on this later.

Thirdly, we have oil. Oil is an expensive (or used to be expensive) input into producing more stuff (more stuff that is not needed, by the companies that can’t quite afford to organically increase production for the lack of demand, as explained in the second point above). So demand for oil is going down. Production of oil is going up because we have years of investments by oil men (and few oil women) that has been sunk into getting the stuff out of the ground. We have falling oil prices. Aka, more ‘dis-inflation’.

Note: much of this dynamic is also driven by the QE which does nothing to help deleverage households and companies (supporting future demand growth) and everything to support financial sector where inflation has been all the rage until recently, and in Government bonds continues to-date.

Fourth, when Heroic Central Bankers drop policy rates and/or inject ‘free’ cash into the economy. Their actions fuel  borrowing in the areas / sectors where there either exists sufficient collateral or security of cash flows to borrow against or there is low enough debt level to sustain such new borrowing. You’ve guessed it:

  • Financials (deleveraged using taxpayers funds and sweat with the help of the "Heroic Central Bankers" and protected from competition by the very same "Heroic Central Bankers") and 
  • Commodities producers (who borrowed like there is no tomorrow until oil price literally fell off the cliff). 
When the former borrowed, they rolled borrowed funds into public debt and into financial markets. There was plenty inflation in these 'sectors' though they didn't quite count in the consumer price indices. For a good reason: they have little to do with consumers and lots to do with fat cats. However, part of the inflows of funds to the former went to fund ‘alternative’ energy projects - aka subsidies junkies - which further depresses demand for oil (albeit weakly). Both inflows went to support production of more oil or distribution of more oil (pipelines, refineries, export facilities etc) or both.

Meanwhile, inflows from the financial institutions to the markets usually went to larger corporates. Guess where were the big oil producers? Right: amongst the larger corporates. Thus, cheap money = cheaper oil, as long as cheap money does not dramatically drive up inflation. Which it can’t because to do so, there has to be demand growth at the household level, the very level where there is no cheap money coming and the debts remain high.

Now, take the four points above and put them together. What they collectively say is that the risk of deflation in the euro area (and anywhere else) is not down to oil price collapse, but rather it is down to demand collapse driven by debt overhang in the real economy (corporates and households and governments). And it is also down to monetary policy that fuels misallocation of credit (or risk mispricing). Only after that, risk of deflation can be assigned to oil price shock (in so far as that shock can be treated as something originating from the global economy, as opposed to from within the euro area economy). And across all these drivers for deflation risks up, there are fingerprints of many actors, but just one actor pops up everywhere: the "Heroic Central Banker".

A recent paper from the Banca d’Italia actually manages to almost grasp this, albeit, written by Central Bankers, it just comes short of the finish line.

Antonio Maria Conti, Stefano Neri and Andrea Nobili published their “Why is Inflation so Low in the Euro Area?” in July 2015 (Bank of Italy Temi di Discussione (Working Paper) No. 1019: http://ssrn.com/abstract=2687105). They focus on euro area alone, so their conclusions do treat oil price change as an exogenous shock. Still, here are their conclusions:

  • “Inflation in the euro area has been falling steadily since early 2013 and at the end of 2014 turned negative. 
  • "Part of the decline has been due to oil prices, but the weakness of aggregate demand has also played a significant role. …
  • "The analysis suggests that in the last two years inflation has been driven down by all three factors, as the effective lower bound to policy rates has prevented the European Central Bank from reducing the short-term rates to support economic activity and align inflation with the definition of price stability. Remarkably, the joint contribution of monetary and demand shocks is at least as important as that of oil price developments to the deviation of inflation from its baseline.” 


Do note that the authors miss the QE channel leading to deflation and instead seem to think that the only thing standing between the ECB and the return to normalcy is the need to cut rates to purely negative nominal levels. In simple terms, this means the authors think that unless ECB starts giving money away to everyone, including the households (a scenario if nominal rates turn sufficiently negative) without attaching a debt lien to these loans, there is no hope. In a sense, I agree - to get things rolling, we need to cancel out household debts. This can be done (expensively) by printing cash and giving it to households (negative nominal rates). Or it can be done more cheaply by simply writing down debts, while monetising write-offs to the risk-weighted value (a fraction of the nominal debt).

I called for both measures for some years now.

Even "Heroic Central Bankers" (for now within the research departments) now smell the rotten core of the QE body: without restoring balancesheets of the households and companies, there isn't much hope for the risk of dis-inflation abating.

Saturday, January 30, 2016

29/1/16: Events… and oil


Bloomberg recently posted a chart summing up some (although claimed all) of the key events in recent history of oil prices. A neat reminder of what has been happening in terms of oil-related factors for crude demand and supply:


Saturday, January 2, 2016

2/1/16: Don't miss that Urals spread


Over recent months, I have been highlighting the importance of considering, when it comes to Russian economy and Ruble analysis, not just quoted spot prices for Brent grade oil but also the Brent-Urals spread.

At last, some media (in Russia) is catching up: Падение спроса на российскую нефть и сильный доллар не дают рублю укрепиться - http://invst.ly/ocwh.


Sunday, December 20, 2015

20/12/15: Of those Russian GDP 2016 forecasts


In my recent column for Slon.ru (see: http://trueeconomics.blogspot.ie/2015/12/151215-russian-outlook-for-2016-slon.html) I quipped that in the case of the Russian economy, forecasts for 2016 growth rates might just as well be taken from the fortune tellers, as there are too many moving factors driving the economy, all of which are virtually impossible to forecast.

Now, h/t to @JoMichell, we have a picture of 'predictability' of one key driver of the Russian economy - oil prices. Please, keep in mind: these are Brent prices (Urals grade predictability is even lower, as Urals-Brent spread is subject to further uncertainty, including geopolitical risks and substitution risks, as discussed in my Slon.ru column).

So here is a chart showing IMF forecasts for Brent prices issued back in June 2015:
 Note that in the above, least probable downside scenario is for oil above USD40 per barrel through 2015. Alas, the least probable forecast is not exactly the lower bound for reality:


So here we have it: less than 6 months forecast out, and the least probable worst case scenario has been breached already. Good luck pinning Russian GDP forecasts down...

Saturday, October 10, 2015

10/10/15: What, When, If the $7 trillion SWFs Gorilla Moves?


Remember this bit about Central Banks' reserves taking a dip globally? And now consider this, about Sovereign Wealth Funds shrinking their income/assets. The alarmism is premature, as the article explain, since SWFs are (1) big, (2) likely to see return to inflows of funds once oil and broader commodities prices recover, and (3) longer-term investment vehicles with broad mandates. Which implies there is not so much panic looming from SWFs downsizing their holdings (selling assets).

But the key is in the second order effects: as long as oil prices remain low, SWFs are not going to be active buyers of assets in the near term (so demand base for assets is taking a knock down, currently being obscured by the Central Banks' demand in some areas - e.g. Euro area, and/or by leveraged plays and carry trades still available on foot of Central Banks (more limited) adventurism. Which means that any 'normalisation' in monetary policies today is likely to coincide with a period of subdued demand from the SWFs for assets. And that is pesky enough of a problem to worry anyone in the markets.

Beyond this concern, note two other problems arising from the current oil price slump:

  1. SWFs, having parked their buying for now, are becoming less predictable per strategy they might take when prices do recover (the longer the period of oil prices slump, the higher is uncertainty); and
  2. How the future balancing between liquidity risk and returns going to play across the SWFs strategy (again, the longer the period of low oil prices, the more likely exit from the oil price slump will entail SWFs pursuing less risk-loaded assets and opting for greater safety - a sort of precautionary savings motive for the SWFs).


Monday, July 20, 2015

20/7/15: Of 'Break-Even' Oil Prices & Russia


An interesting chart via Deutsche Bank Research putting break-even (fiscal budget) figures on oil prices for major oil producers:

Which puts Russian break-even at USD105 pbl.

Reality is: Russia has capacity to increase oil output further and has done so already (note that it is now world's largest oil producer). It can also raise some other exports volumes, though general global conditions are not exactly supportive of this. Which underpins revenue side of the budgetary balance somewhat.

Meanwhile, Russian Government own budgetary estimates put break-even price of crude at around USD80-85 pbl, not USD105 pbl, closer to UAE, than to Oman.

Worse, for Deutsche, Russian budget is expressed in rubles, not USD, which means that FX valuation of the Ruble to a basket of currencies (Russian exports are not all priced in USD) co-determines the break-even price. Moderating (albeit still very high) inflation and EUR trend, compared to USD trend, suggest falling 'fiscal break-even' price of oil for Russia.

There are too many variables to attempt to estimate effective and accurate 'break-even' price for oil for Russia.

What is, however, clear is that Russian current account (external balance) is in black and it is improving, not deteriorating. Latest Balance of Payments data shows current account surplus of almost USD20 billion in 2Q 2015. Over 12 months through June 2015, current account surplus is at 4% of GDP. The driver here: decline in imports (down 40% in dollar terms in 2Q 2015 y/y) outpacing drop in exports (down just under 30% y/y). In January-June 2015, trade surplus was USD70 billion (USD210 billion in exports, USD140 billion in imports).

Balance of payments is also being supported to the upside by a decline in capital outflows. 2Q 2015 capital outflows amounted to ca USD20 billion, predominantly comprising banks repayment of maturing foreign debt (remember, this improves banks' balancesheets and deleverages the economy). However, direct investment from abroad into Russian non-fianncial corporations rose over the 2Q 2015, resulting in an increase in foreign debt held by the non-financial sector.

Overall, Russian Central Bank shows foreign debt position at ca USD560 billion (or 30% of GDP) at the end of 2Q 2015 - basically unchanged on 1Q 2015 and down from USD730 billion at the end of 2Q 2014.

And another reminder to fiscalistas:

  • Russian public (Government) external debt currently stands at USD35 billion. 
  • State-controlled banks hold further USD90 billion in external debt (total banking sector external debt is USD150 billion and 60% of that is held by state-owned banks).
  • State-controlled NFCs firms hold ca 40% of USD360 billion foreign debt written against Russian NFCs, or USD144 billion. 
  • Accounting for cross-holdings and direct equity-linked debt, net foreign debt that has to be repaid at maturity or refinanced by NFCs and Banks owned by the Russian Government is probably around USD150-160 billion. 

Sizeable, but less than 12% of GDP even after including the official public debt and state-owned enterprises debts.

Monday, June 15, 2015

15/6/15: Long Run Oil Price Chart


Quite a wonkishly fascinating chart (I love long time series, even if much of them are imaginary numbers): via http://uk.businessinsider.com/oil-is-cheaper-than-it-was-in-the-1860s-2015-6?r=US we have oil prices from 1860s on, though, sadly, not updated to most current, which is just around 1970s decade average.

Draw conclusions at your own peril. I chance to say: post 1900 price trend is all steady, until Governments mess up (the 1970s crisis - Governments-led, the 2000s lift-off - also Governments-led). So here you have it... boring commodity that is occasionally over-politicised into a bizarre beast.

Friday, April 10, 2015

10/4/15:Ruble's Mysterious Rise: Some Thoughts


There is an interesting debate starting up around the Ruble: in recent weeks, Ruble appreciation against the USD has pushed it out of its traditional long term alignment with oil prices, as noted in the chart below:



Source: @Schuldensuehner 

There are several possible factor that can account for this.

  1. Oil price expectations - if the markets expect oil prices to rise further, Ruble buyers can bid the currency up ahead of the oil price changes. This is unlikely in my view, as we are not seeing oil price firming significantly in both spot and futures markets.
  2. Oil price revelation - if the markets priced in severe forecasts uncertainty linked to oil price dynamics to the Russian economy back in October-December 2014, then the new information about Russian economy's performance in Q1 2015 should lead to re-pricing of risks. In my opinion, Ruble was heavily oversold in December (not in october-November) and there is some upside potential, given that the Q1 2015 data coming out of the Russian economy is not as apocalyptic as some currency markets analysts expected. Notably, there has been a significant cut in USD long positions vis-a-vis Ruble in recent days, which signals speculative re-alignment toward long-Ruble.
  3. Demand Factor 1 - March is the end of Q1, so it is the month of rising demand for Ruble to cover corporate tax liabilities (Russian corporates pay taxes in Rubles). VAT receipts are also coming due. And estimated forward taxes and charges. In my opinion, this helps to temporarily boost Ruble valuations.
  4. Demand Factor 2 - March is the last month before major companies in Russia are due to reverse their forex holdings to October 2014 levels (per December agreement hammered out by President Putin). This means increased supply of USD and other currencies, and increased demand for Rubles. Again, a temporary factor, in my opinion.
  5. Supply Factor - March and April are also large months for corporates to book in energy-related exports earnings. Note that Russian Central Bank is recording a small rise in reserves in late March, followed by a decline in April.
  6. Demand Factor 3 - March also was the month of largest (for 2015) external debt redemptions by Russian banks and corporates. Repayment of these debts involves buying dollars and selling Rubles, but timing-wise, companies have been pre-building their forex reserves for some time, so it is most likely that in recent 3 weeks there has been less demand for dollars (and other forex) than in previous 2 months. Note, I covered this here: http://trueeconomics.blogspot.ie/2015/04/8415-rubles-gains-are-convincing-but.html
  7. Demand factor 4 - since the start of 2014, Russia actively pursued reduction of the degree of dollarisation in its economy. The first stage of this process involved increasing trade settlements in other currencies (most recent one - announced this week - with Indonesia). This, alongside with imports collapse, reduced external trade-linked demand for dollars. The second phase of de-dollarisation started in February, when Russian retail deposits started exiting dollars and shifting back into Ruble on improved confidence in the banks and high deposit rates. Again - a temporary support for the Ruble.
  8. Demand factor 5 - as Russian CDS show, probability of default declines for Russia sustained in recent weeks implies improved demand for Russian Government (and local) bonds, issued in Ruble markets. The result is improved demand for OFZs and, thus, for Ruble. 
  9. Real vs Nominal exchange Rates - inflation dynamics in Russia are most likely drawing a gap between real and nominal exchange rates, so nominal rate firming up is not imposing equivalent increase in the real rates. 

In other words, we have many, many moving parts to one equation. One can't tell the dominant one, or which are likely to last longer, but my sense is that majority of these forces are temporary and the long-run link between Ruble and oil price will be regained.

Now, assuming oil price dynamics remain where they are today (weak upside), Ruble is likely to devalue again, back to USD/RUB 55-57 range. If inflation does not fall toward 10% in Q2 2015 (and I do not think it will), we are likely to see Ruble move into USD/RUB 60-65 range over this quarter. On the other hand, improved outlook for the economy (signalling, say annual contraction closer to 3.5-4 percent) can see Ruble staying within the USD/RUB 50-53 range.

One thing is for sure: so far, the Central Bank of Russia has managed damn well its dance in a very tight monetary policy corner between runaway inflation, prohibitively high interest rates and a massive squeeze on forex valuations. How long this 'smart game' in multidimensional and highly dynamic chess can go on is everyone's guess.

Friday, January 23, 2015

23/1/2015: Russian Economy Growth Downgrades


On top of downgrades by the rating agencies, Russia also got downgraded by the host of international agencies - in terms of country growth prospects for 2015-2016. The IMF downgrade took 2015-2016 forecast for growth of 0.5% and 1.5% for 2015 and 2016 respectively published in October 2014 down to a contraction of -3.0% in 2015 and -1.0% in 2016. The Fund estimates 2014 GDP growth of 0.6% for the full year and Q4 2014 growth of zero percent compared to Q4 2013. Not bad for the economy going though a massive, multi-dimensional crisis. But a poor outlook for 2015-2016. IMF estimates are based on assumed oil price (full-year average weighted of 3 spot prices) at below USD60 but above USD55 (see http://blog-imfdirect.imf.org/2014/12/22/seven-questions-about-the-recent-oil-price-slump/), so closer to USD57.

The World Bank outlook, released on January 14th is a bit less gloomy when it comes to 2016. Per World Bank, "sustained low oil prices will weaken activity in exporting countries. For example, the Russian economy is projected to contract by 2.9 percent in 2015, getting barely back into positive territory in 2016 with growth expected at 0.1 percent." World Bank oil price assumption is USD66 per bbl.

EBRD notes that "Geopolitical risks from the Ukraine/Russia crisis remain significant, although they are contained for the time being." According to the bank, "Russia is projected to slip into recession, with GDP contracting by close to 5 per cent."  On more detailed assessment, EBRD says that: "In Russia, lower oil prices have compounded the effect of deep-seated structural problems, increased uncertainty and low investor confidence, along with the increasing impact of economic sanctions imposed since March 2014. In the first three quarters of 2014 investment continued to decline, consumption growth decelerated to below 1 per cent, and imports dropped by 6 per cent in real terms. Capital outflows more than doubled to an estimated US$ 151 billion in 2014. As a result, the rouble has lost almost half of its value in 2014 vis-à-vis the US dollar and Russia lost about a quarter of its international reserves, ending the year at around US$ 380 billion (including the less liquid National Welfare Fund). Markets were particularly shaken in late November/early December 2014, and the central bank had to raise its policy rate to 17 per cent to stem pressure on the currency. The government provided additional capital to a number of banks, temporarily relaxed certain prudential requirements for banks, and introduced measures to increase the supply on the foreign exchange markets by state-owned companies and put in place additional incentives for de-offshorisation."

An interesting footnote to the analysis is covering remittances from Russia. "Remittances from Russia to Central Asia and the EEC continued to decline (see Chart below). Partial data for the fourth quarter in 2014 suggest that the decline is likely to have accelerated in recent months, entering two-digit percentage rate territory, as the Russian economy weakened and the sharp drop in the value of the rouble reduced the US dollar (and also local currency) value of the remitted earnings. Lower remittances inflows will affect consumption adversely and likely add to downward pressures on a number of currencies in EEC and Central Asia, which also face reduced export demand and investment flows from Russia."


Crucially, EBRD forecasts also reflect downgrades on September 2014 outlook. EBRD now estimates 2014 growth to be at 0.4% (more gloomy than IMF estimate and down on 9.6% estimate at the end of Q3 2014), with a contraction of 4.8% in 2015, which represents a downgrade of 4.6 percentage points from September forecast. EBRD oil price assumption is around USD57-59 per bbl.

Chart below summarises unemployment trend 2013-2014:




Monday, January 12, 2015

12/1/2015: Falling... falling... still... falling: Oil Prices in Time


With WTI just flying past USD45.99/bbl price marker and Brent fell through USD47.47, here's the best visualisation of the 'Plight of Oil' (courtesy of @EdConwaySky):


Note: Above is Brent, but, hey... anyone cares at that stage?..

And here's one in a more historical perspective (courtesy of @Convertbond):
Note: Above is through December 2014. Which means that by now, we are down at the levels of October1990-April 1991 crisis and heading further South.

And in case you are keen on celebrating the above as a definitive Western victory over the Bad Russkies, as Reuters is reporting - Standard Chartered might need to raise USD4.4 billion in capital to cover losses due to commodities-related loans exposures (link). 

Tuesday, January 6, 2015

6/1/2015: Glance Back: Grey and Black Swans of 2014


Portuguese blog by Jorge Nascimento Rodrigues quoting my comments on the topic of black swan and grey swan events of 2014: http://janelanaweb.com/novidades/2014-em-revista-cisnes-negros-cinzentos-6-surpresas/

My comment in English in full:

Black swan events are defined not only by their unpredictability ex ante the shock and the magnitude of the shock-related losses, but also by the fact that the rationale for their occurrence becomes fully explainable ex ante the event. In this sense, looking back at 2014, one can only imperfectly interpret key events as either black or grey swans.

One of the major black swan events of 2014 was the flaring up of a major geopolitical crisis involving Russia and the West. This pre-conditions for the emergence of this crisis were present throughout the late 2000s - early 2010s, but its rapid escalation from to the state of a proxy war fought by the two players over the Ukraine was not something we could have foreseen at the end of 2013.

On economic front, the decoupling of the US economy from global economic outlook and acceleration in the US growth was accurately reflected in a number of major forecasts published in the second half of 2013. As was the associated continued downtrend in growth in the euro area. But the simultaneous crisis across the major emerging economies, including Brazil and South Africa, as well as the onset of the outright recession in Russia and the Russian Ruble crisis of Q4 2014 were black swan events.

A good example of the grey swan event - an event with some predictability ex ante, but with unpredictable timing, was a massive decline in global oil prices. The decline was forecastable in 2013, given the rate of growth in potential supply from the non-OPEC countries, primarily Canada and the US. The rates of new wells drilling and the levels of average output and output dynamics from the existent wells should have told us well in advance that the decline in oil prices was coming. Ditto for the signals coming from the natural gas price divergence in North America against Europe and Asia Pacific. But the exact timing of this decline in oil prices was not easily predictable. In the end, the drop in oil prices in 2014 was driven by a combination of two forces. The supply dynamics - largely predictable, and the contraction in demand driven by the black swan shock to global (and in particular emerging markets) growth.

Two major themes that dominated the financial markets in 2014 - continued decline in sovereign debt yields and simultaneous divergence in prices between the US and European equity markets - was hardly a black swan, given the differences in monetary policies between ECB and the Fed. Nonetheless, to some extent both themes were shaped also by the global growth divergence, and as such, both constitute a sort of a grey swan event.

Last, but not least, the flaring up of the euro area peripheral crisis, starting with Q4 2014 political risk flaring up in Greece, was neither a black swan nor a grey swan, and instead constitutes an empirical regularity of long term instability in the euro area periphery. This instability (both political and economic) is driven by the legacy of the debt crisis and the fallout from the policies used to address it. Nothing, absolutely nothing, has been resolved within the euro area when it comes to addressing debt overhangs present in a number of economies. Nothing has been done to address the endemic lack of structural growth drivers in the majority of the peripheral economies. If anything, the structural growth crisis contagion has now firmly spread to the core economies, such as France and Finland, and is impacting even Germany. Despite lots of sabre-rattling, the ECB remains in a passive policy mode, with the central bank balancesheet stubbornly stuck in the post-crisis lows and liquidity fully captured within a fragmented banking sector.


Sunday, December 28, 2014

28/12/2014: Oil Prices: USD70bbl in 2015?.. May be so...


Forecasting oil prices is a rather tough job, especially if we are witnessing a regime change, rather than a temporary glitch in the markets. Nonetheless, here is the set of forecasts from the markets (options), forecasters (consensus) and Goldman Sachs:


Noticeable features: all, but futures markets bets are starting to converge in H2 2015. End-of-2015 forecasts are pretty close for Goldman and Bloomberg survey.

A bit more detailed reporting on forecasts here: http://uk.businessinsider.com/r-oil-prices-likely-to-rebound-in-second-half-of-2015-reuters-poll-2014-12?r=US.

All in, it does appear that USD70 bbl average price for 2015 is not out of line with market consensus, albeit it is not consistent with futures markets contracts.

Thursday, November 20, 2014

20/11/2014: Oil Prices: Supply and Demand Drivers


An interesting BofE note on links between commodities prices & UK inflation: http://www.bankofengland.co.uk/publications/Documents/inflationreport/2014/ir14nov4.pdf

A key chart - from global perspective - is this one:

Main points are:

  1. 2014 demand growth is way down, driven primarily by contracting demand in the OECD economies (advanced economies rot) and to a lesser extent relatively flat (compared to 2000-2007) growth in non-OECD economies.
  2. Supply from non-OPEC sources is way up, while OPEC is cutting back. Net effect - growth in supply is way above 2000-2007 average.
This suggests that OPEC will have little room to cut continued growth in supply, while some restoration in demand should take place if the OECD economies post more robust growth in 2015. Still, it is hard to see how the above dynamics can support oil prices in USD100+/b over the next 12-15 months.