Showing posts with label European economy. Show all posts
Showing posts with label European economy. Show all posts

Thursday, February 25, 2010

Economics 25/02/2010: European economy and EU Commission

"Slide 1Curiously enough, the only thing that went through the mind of the bowl of petunias as it fell was Oh no, not again. Many people have speculated that if we knew exactly why the bowl of petunias had thought that we would know a lot more about the nature of the Universe than we do now." The Hitchhiker's Guide to the Galaxy.

Indeed. Today's ECFIN weekly newsletter said it all. Titled cheerfully "ECFIN e-news 8 - EU interim economic forecast: fragile recovery has begun" it featured the revised interim forecast for EU economy from the EU Commission. It turns out, per forecast that (unbeknown to most of us in the real world) "the longest and deepest recession in EU history came to an end as real GDP in the EU started to grow again in the third quarter of 2009." This comes despite the fact that growth actually fell (and almost reached back into negative territory) in Q4 2009. Thus, in line with Commission optimism, Brussels now expects "seven largest EU Member States, ...to expand by an anaemic 0.7%".

"W
eaker housing investments and continuing balance-sheet adjustment across sectors are expected to restrain EU growth in 2010. Unemployment remains on the rise and would thus dampen private consumption as well. Inflation projections remain largely unchanged at 1.4% and 1.1% in the EU and the euro area respectively".

I am not sure if this rather gloomy prospect matches the headline, but the same issue of the newsletter contains another piece titled "Rebound in economic sentiment slows in February". So can someone explain to me, please - is it that the recovery has begun, or is that the recovery is running out of steam? Clearly, I would tend to believe the second one, since it is based not on projections by the Commission (which famously predicted, and actually planned for overtaking the US in terms of productivity, economic growth and economic wellbeing by 2010, moved to 2012 and later to 2015), but on hard data.

Slide 1

In February 2010, the EU's Economic Sentiment Indicator (ESI) rose by statistically insignificant 0.2% to a still-recessionary 97.4. ESI was down to 95.9 (-0.1% on January) in the euro area. The latter correction follows an unterrupted climb up over 10 months, suggesting that the growth momentum might have been exhausted.

February reading of the Business Climate Indicator (BCI) for the euro area rose for the eleventh month in a row. Happy times? Not really - the relatively low level of the indicator suggests that year-on-year industrial production in January 2010 was still contracting, not expanding.

Drilling deeper into data: all sub-components of the confidence indicators remained below growth levels in January and February 2010. And one - retail trade confidence indicator actually reversed back into contraction territory after December when it crossed over the growth line. Employment conditions in services have turned negative again in January, as did construction confidence indicator.

Which part is showing that the recovery has begun, I wonder?

May be, just may be - the business climate is improving somehow? Well, not really:
EU Commission own BCI is still stuck at -1 - below expansion levels.

Consumers picking up, then? Nope: "In February 2010, the DG ECFIN flash estimate1 of the consumer confidence indicator2 for the euro area signals the first fall after 10 months of improvement (down to -17.4 from -15.8 in January). Confidence declined also among EU consumers, but to a lesser extent (down to -13.6 from -13.1 in January)."


So: consumers are down, producers are in the red and overall economic indicators are turning South again... yet 'recovery has begun'.

A bowl of petunias signalling the nature of the Universe from its Brussels windowsill.

Friday, August 21, 2009

Economics 21/08/2009: Economic Outlook - Things to Fear

Being in the Dolomites puts me into a long-term thinking mood. So here we are – a post on some of my long run thinking.

In a recent post I wrote about the probability of the L-shaped recovery now standing at and even 1/3 split with the probability of the recovery being V-shaped or W-shaped. I motivated this estimate by the references to some of the US economy fundamentals.

A different world beacons

Think growth dynamics in the long run. Usually, a recovery is led by a small fiscal stimulus and a moderate easing of the monetary conditions. These come after a number of quarters of tighter fiscal and monetary conditions pre-crisis. And both act to moderate fall-offs in household and business investment, plus arise in unemployment in the environments of relatively unchanged long-term savings/investment ratios and a temporary shock to transient consumption.

We are in a different world today from a ‘normal’ recessionary cycle, and this warrants my concern that the recovery dynamics are likely to be highly uncertain.

Fist, think the investment cycle. Investment – both household and corporate – is down and it is down structurally. The structural nature of this downturn is most likely due to the shifting pattern for investment financing into the years ahead. Gone is the leverage and originate model of lending. We are in the new brave world of deposit and originate model, where capital financing will be held back by the need to generate significant deposits.

Even an era of sustained precautionary savings by the households is not going to change this reality. Why? Because in years before the current crisis, leveraging model meant that a deposit of, say, $100 in a bank translated into the lending out of some $960 or more into the economy. With deposit and originate model, the same deposit is going to see first round lending of no more than $90 out into the economy. Once the hovering of excess liquidity into banks capital is done with, we might move to a lending of slightly above the deposit rate, say $100 plus a wedge between the borrowing rate and deposit rate. But this is hardly going to get us above $110 even in most pessimistic inflationary scenario. In the mean time, the banks are going to beef up their capital reserves by skimming retail clients – so returns to savings will quickly turn negative. Never mind the returns, households will still hoard cash as sticky unemployment will breath fear into their hearts – the new era of the hearts of darkness will set in ushered by the elevated risk aversion.

Second, think precautionary savings. If in traditional recession precautionary savings cycle exhausts itself within a span of 2-3 quarters post recession on-set, in the current one, the savings rates are still climbing up, corporates are still hoarding whatever cash they can generate and the late payments gap is widening, not shrinking. This suggests to me that we might see the US savings rate finally moving in the direction the majority of economists in the 1990s wished it would be heading – into possible high single digits or even double digits. The trade wars of the 1930s might be replaced by a slow decay in world trade due to shrinking US (and also European) consumption expenditure. Not as nasty of a proposition as the Depression era ‘beggar thy neighbour’ policies, but a much longer behavioural shift that is more benign in the short run, but is much more damaging in the long term.

Third, think of the place we came from when we entered this recession. That place was Alice in Wonderland mondo bizarro of excessive liquidity sloshing across global boundaries and asset classes and fiscal policies of prolificacy that made even the US Republicans (traditionally pro-balanced budget conservatives) into the spending-happy traditional Democrat-types. In this environment, lack of global inflation was only sustained through a combination of extreme asset bubbles formation (housing, equities, carry trade-financed speculative real estate allocations, excessively optimistic M&As and commodities bubble that rivalled anything we’ve seen since the Dutch Tulip craze. But looking forward, this environment was ‘corrected’ in the recession through another massive injection of liquidity and another substantial hike in public deficits worldwide. It might be a forced measure for Obama Administration to prop up the entire US economy by pumping more steroids of public spending and running printing presses at the Treasury 24:7, but this activism has to go somewhere real, and it will go into real long term inflation and a new asset bubble generation, along with higher taxation.

Ronald Regan inherited from the Democratic Party’s leading historical disaster (Jimmy ‘The Peanut’ Carter) presidency one of the sickest economies in the US history. But one thing he did not inherit was decades-long appreciation of the US deficits. Subsequently, Regan was able to cut taxes while re-channelling fiscal spending into new programmes. Obama’s successor (who is now increasingly looking set to come in 2013) won’t have this luxury. Neither will Angela Merkel’s successor, or Brian Cowen’s or Gordon Brown’s. High tax era is upon us in the developed world and this means we are going to lose in the economic game. This impending tax regime fiasco will be far more damaging to the West’s economic standing in the world than the oil price inflation can ever be.

Fourth, inflation is coming. I wrote about it before and I keep saying this over and over again: if you think double digit yields on US debt are the stuff of science fiction, think again. Someone will have to pay for the orgy of new fiscal debt creation and that someone will have to borrow hard. The new borrowing – the rollovers of the past, plus the interest rates of the future, compounded by the Obamanomics and the Democrats appeasing their traditional constituencies will be exacerbated by the need to rescue the next wave of ‘economic recession victims’ – the states and municipalities. That these are going to be predominantly amongst the Democratic party strongholds (e.g California) will only make matters worse. So what little liquidity will be added over time will be consumed in an orgy of new debt issuance by the Feds and the states and municipalities. The pyramid scheme whereby Feds-created cash will be rolled into Feds-backed Government borrowings will mean investment slowdown will be deeper and more permanent than the point one above suggests.
Inflating and devaluing out of this mess will set the stage for the graduate de-dollarization of the global economy, further undermining the US.

So high inflation, lower growth, lower real rates of return on deposits, lower lending origination and thus lower investment all form the prospects for L-shaped recovery. At the same time, sheer magnitude of liquidity pumping into the global economy via loose monetary policy on top of the previous decade-long monetary easing might, just might, usher a new age of asset bubbles. From oil and gold to banal fertilizers and regulatory-driven forestry – commodities will reign as perceived, if unreal, inflation hedges. Exotics of risk aversion assets might turn out to be even more exotic, more technical and thus less stable than the securitized and repackaged real estate loans of the Mid-Naughties. If they do, a V-shaped recovery is a possibility, as is a W-shaped one. Both will be short-lived, but at least we will get to enjoy one more run of the madness.

About the only silver lining to this long-term Western Winter will be the fact that Europe will be faring even worse than the US with Italian-style slog contaminating the entire EU, inclusive of the Accession states.

So where do we stand?

An L-shaped recovery offers a period of zero (or near zero) real growth post-recession. The V-shaped one represents a robust recovery post-recession. The W-shaped scenario is the one where recession will be followed by a significant bull run, followed by another collapse before the recover set in.

In my view, however, all those who paint the current economic environment in one of these historically known categories miss the majour point — because of the changed relationship between perceived and real risks and our systemic household, banking and corporate responses to these, we are entering a recovery that has elements of all three scenarios. This is risking to be a PQR recovery – a recovery based on Public and Quoted Risks. Now, it is a handy feature of the alphabet that letter PQR are smack in between letters pairs of K and L (denoting traditionally Capital and L-shaped recovery) and V and W shape of recovery descriptors.

PQR is not a simple average of L and V-shapes, some sort of a root sign-shaped recovery. It is a recovery that starts from the top of the previous cycle, heads for depths severe of a recession, rises in a volatile fashion above the floor and flattening out at an equally volatile new floor of suppressed long term growth. It is the stuff that makes superpowers lose their supremacy positions and that led to disintegration of mighty super states of the old.

Historically, recessions follow a V-shaped scenario. The dynamics are as follows:
First businesses cut production through the downturn: capital investment grounds to a halt, layoffs cut less productive workforce and maintenance and capital replacement drop to below amortization;
Second, businesses stop cutting at the point where their capacity still exceeds demand, and they go for correcting the supply overhang by reducing costs and inventories;
Once demand troughs, the depletion of inventory means that any new demand will translate into increased output, sapping the excess capacity;
Capital expenditure rises on the maintenance and amortization side, but no new capital is added, so profits improve and war chests are replenished by the healthier businesses to take on some of their competitors;
Increased corporate profits support strategic drive in increasing capacity to address future demand – employment and investment rise;
High rates of money creation and fiscal stimuli (with priorities going from tax cuts, to public investment in infrastructure upgrading, to Uncle Sam’s shopping for consumption spending, and not the other way around) help the process of orderly de-leveraging and maintenance of excess capacity by businesses.

We, thus, have Public Risk – the risk of permanent deficit financing and the under-saturation of public debt with liquidity (see below). We have Quoted Risk – the risk of higher equity and commodities volatilities as desperately shallow liquidity pools are chasing higher returns in the new era of diminished tolerance for risk amongst retail investors. We have a PQR recession – an alphabet soup of messy noise along a shallower than before and flat growth rate.

A PQR recession dynamics will be as follows:
First businesses cut production below the point where their capacity is less than the expected medium term demand;
The supply overhang will be short-term managed to a supply undercut by reducing costs and inventories much deeper than before;
Once demand troughs, the depletion of inventory means that any new demand will translate into increased inflation, triggering some monetary tightening that will trigger renewed push for precautionary savings and the W-shape will emerge;
Capital expenditure will have to increase on the maintenance and amortization side as even the minimal levels of capital will begin to fall apart at a rate not seen since the collapse of the USSR, but no new capital will be added, so profits will improve;
The improvement in the profits will drive us up the last leg of W, but there will be no build up in corporate war chests as liquidity will remain tight;
Instead, strategic drive in increasing capacity to address future expected demand will mean that employment and investment will rise faster in the BRICs and the rest of the world than in the OECD;
Fiscal stimuli with priorities of Obama administration implying more spending on immediate Uncle Sam consumption of stuff from the Democratic Party cronies, followed by lower public investment creation and not followed by tax cuts, but by tax increases will mean that no productive capacity will be underpinned in the productive US sectors, yielding their competitive positions globally to newcomers from Asia;
The US economy will settle into a permanently lower rate of growth characterized by relatively frenzied swings from Public Capital Formation schemes to Private Risk Premia increases and back to Public Capital.
A PQR paradigm. QED

How do we know this?

We now are wiser than in October-December 2008 and it is now more than apparent that the US fiscal stimulus misconceived (in a rushed atmosphere of a sever crisis) and misdirected (at the least productive sectors of the US economy where mis-aligned long term incentives will prevent any future productivity growth springing the green shoots). Fiscal stimulus in the US did not help significantly to deleverage households, so monetary easing did not restart demand for borrowing. Fiscal stimulus, in the Obama administration conception, did not prop up capacity preservation in productive sectors of the US economy and was wasted instead on the Big 3 Auto-monsters and the larger, less productive financial institutions. Fiscal stimulus did nothing to get the Americans out of negative equity and thus did absolutely nothing to reduce incentives for precautionary savings. This means that consumption growth is simply not going to happen, folks. Not at the rates pre-crisis and not even at the rates of post IT-bubble recession.

Monetary policy is also going to fail in everything but inflation generation. US private sector credit remains in the doldrums a year after the efforts to repair it began and the US wounded and undercapitalized financial system continues to struggle with the ghosts of looming future losses.
The longer-term theme in the US is the emergence of the two polar opposites as demographic drivers of the economy. On the one hand, ageing assets-holding population will have no access to liquidity as home sales will remain subdued by the massive overhang in unoccupied properties still crowding the market and by the banks unwillingness to lend on real estate assets. On the other hand, high savings –geared younger population will be consuming less and repatriating more. Think of the Latin Americanization of the US population with the resultant outflow of financing from the younger second generation US workers to their first generation American parents who will move back to Latin America to get better quality of life in return for their savings.

So future consumption will be depressed by financial system, demographic changes and the overall change in risk aversion across the US population. As an interesting side-bar, in the mid 2008 the number of Google search hits for ‘Paris Hilton’ – an imperfect signifier of the younger generations presence in the economy – has been overshadowed by the number of search hits for that key word of the Wal-Mart generation of greying retirees: ‘coupons’.

The downsizing of American consumption-driven economy has begun. And this is hardly an encouraging sign for the V-shape theorists.

Europe’s moment of sickness

This leaves us at the point for comparing the US with its today’s competitors. The sick state of the nation on the western shores of the Atlantic will be predictably mirrored with an even deeper decay on the eastern shore of the pond. As US continues to improve productivity – albeit at a much slower pace – European society, geriatrically-challenged, hamstrung by the trade unions, obsessed with preserving the status quo of wealth distribution and increasingly anti-immigrant and anti-innovation will suffer even more. Increased consumer demand from China and India, Brazil and possibly Russia will go some way to prop up German manufacturing, but more and more of those fine BMWs and Mercs will be stamped out in the US, assembled in Free-to-work states of the US South, designed in the Free-to-dream states of the US West and financed from the Free-to-invest states of the US Midwest and Northern Atlantic corridor. German manufacturing will sing the same blues as British manufacturing did before it. What will remain will be a museum trinket shop – a place where Ferraris and Bugattis will still be made backed by subsidies from the US- and elsewhere-based ‘German’ production of actually demanded goods.

Investment themes of a PQR recession

There will be new themes for the investment markets in years ahead. These themes will be about more active management of volatility and use of volatility spells to the same purpose as we used the international ‘growth’ stocks in the past – to get ahead of the benchmarks. Another theme will be maintaining sane returns once the risk of dollar devaluation is taken into account. Third theme will be the rise of global volatility. Displacement of the US and EU from the pedestal of global leaders in future growth (the first one still coming, the latter having already taken hold) is not going to take place because some other power will emerge as being better in absolute terms. Unlike almost all other deaths of the superpowers (with exception of the collapse of Rome), this one will not result in an immediate emergence of a heir apparent to the US dominance. China – the sickly giant that will be seen as having toppled the US – will not be able to bear torch for the rest of the world primarily because it has no model of its own, no engaging or charismatic ideology. And this will mean that the world of investment will be jittery, uncertain, fast changing worldwide.

Prepare for some serious volatility management, folks. PQ to QR to PQ across the horizontal axis, US to BRICs to Asia to US to Latina America to the BRICs across the vertical one, and across all asset classes on the Z-axis. Shall I remind you that complexity of PQR recession is by even alphabetic standards much more significant than that of L, V or W?

Monday, August 3, 2009

Economics 03/08/2009: EU unemployment - no Green Shoots in sight

EU unemployment still climbing up: in June - the latest available data - 21.5 mln people, 8.9% of the labour force - were out of work in the EU27. The unemployment rate reached 9.4% for the Eurozone, the highest level since 1999. Spain (18.1%), Baltics (Latvia 17.2%, Estonia 17%, Lithuania 15.8%) led the EU27 in unemployment rate, followed by Ireland (12.2% and catching up).

The number of people unemployed increased by 246,000 in June relative to May. This is much slower than the gain of 646,000 recorded in March, but it nonetheless a continued increase.

So see if you can spot the 'green shoots' or bottoming out in unemployment that the EU has been talking about on the back of the latest figures (chart above). No flattening in the rate of increase since April 2009 moderation on March disastrous figures...

The above tow charts are rather telling as well.

Wednesday, March 18, 2009

Trichet's latest interview - much hype, little substance

Here is an exclusive interview, Jean-Claude Trichet (ECB) gave to Foundation Robert Schuman. And here is my quick and dirty walk through its main points:

"Since the introduction of the euro on 1 January 1999, European citizens have enjoyed a level of price stability which had been achieved in only a few countries. This price stability directly benefits all European citizens, as it protects income and savings and helps to reduce borrowing costs, thereby promoting investment, job creation and lasting prosperity. The euro has been a factor in the dynamism of the European economy. It has enhanced price transparency, it has increased trade, and it has promoted economic and financial integration, not only within the euro area, but also globally."

Not really. Price stability in the eurozone has been pretty average - not as good as in Germany and several other countries over the years before the euro, similar to that in the UK, US and pretty much the rest of the developed world in the 2000-2008 period. A picture is worth a thousand words: since the adoption of the euro through mid 2008 (before deflation), inflation in the euroarea exceeded that in the non-euro EU states...
But it is in growth, dynamism and employment where the 10 years of the euro have recorded a very poor performance. I have already posted on this topic (here, here, and here). EU's growth rates since the early 1990s on have been sluggish (lagging behind the US and UK and only notching above a recessionary Japan). Euro area's unemployment remained well above the US, UK and almost all of the rest of the OECD. Eurozone's employment growth has been better than Japan's, but worse than any other OECD economy. So while the euro did enhance price transparency marginally, it did have very little real benefit in improving the quality of life for an average European. Not surprisingly, the euro is not enjoying a strong ride in terms of its democratic legitimacy (here).

"In recent months we have seen another benefit of the euro: the financial crisis has already demonstrated that... Would Europe have been able to act as swiftly, decisively and coherently if we had not had the single currency uniting us? Would we have been able to protect many separate national currencies from the fallout of the financial crisis? European authorities, parliaments, governments and central banks have shown that Europe is capable of taking decisions, even in the most difficult circumstances."

Again, largely untrue - as of today, there is no coherent eurozone-wide response to the crisis. The EU joint response to date is to issue a €5bn in stimulus, and this is yet to be disbursed. While the euro did protect some countries from a run on their currencies, it also boxed majority of eurozone's exporters into a corner of over-valued medium of exchange. Perhaps most importantly, lack of agreement between the European governments - exemplified in a series of failed summits since Autumn 2008 through today - shows unequivocally that "European authorities, parliaments, governments and central banks" are not "capable of taking decisions, even in the most difficult circumstances". The EU itself. this week, put the total size of its recession busting plans at between 3.3 and 4% of GDP, including welfare spending and yet to be specified and agreed measures. This is still short of the US plan to devote 5.5% of GDP to recovery efforts (source: here).

I agree with Mr Trichet that much-talked-about price increases in the wake of euro adoption have been small across the eurozone, but he is plain wrong in claiming that:

"With the benefit of hindsight, it has become clear that the Governing Council of the ECB ...took the correct decisions in order to guarantee price stability in the euro area in line with our mandate and as required by the Treaty establishing the European Community."

This statement is bordering on being offensive and arrogant. Mr Trichet is fully aware that his action of raising interest rates at the very end of the bubble has done too little too late to cool the markets. Similarly, his reckless increases in the interest rates in July-October 2008, as well as keeping the rates high in the first half of 2008 have spelled a disaster for the eurozone economies and also led to an overvaluation of the euro. His failure to act in July-August 2007 to lower rates was an act of mad denial of the unfolding credit crisis. Between July 2007 and September 2008, Mr Trichet stubbornly insisted that the credit crisis was not a problem for the eurozone.

"According to the ECB staff macroeconomic projections published on 5 March 2009, annual real GDP growth in the euro area is projected to be between -3.2% and -2.2% in 2009, and between -0.7% and +0.7% in 2010."

This is a much more gloomy (and much more realistic) outlook than the EU Commission -1.9% forecast for GDP growth in 2009. But note 2010 figures -0.7 to +0.7 or a central point of 0%. An optimist at heart.

"Since the outbreak of the financial turbulence in August 2007, the Governing Council of the ECB has taken unprecedented action in a timely and decisive manner."

Chart below illustrates...
So nothing short of a failure above.

But what about rescuing troubled countries (APIIGS)? "...My response to questions of the type "What would happen if...?" is that I never comment on absurd hypotheses. I have confidence that the Member States will face up to their responsibilities, including with regard to fiscal policy." In other words, is the answer yes or is it no? Is this answer consistent with what Mr Lenihan told reporters about ECB's readiness to rescue Irish banking system (here)?

Overall, a pretty vacuous interview from a man who obviously has no way of re-assuring anyone that he can handle the current economic crisis in the eurozone. A bit more competent than our Brian^2+Mary partial-indifferential-equation, but a lot less competent than, say, the US Fed&Treasury gang.

Tuesday, March 17, 2009

Eurozone: The High Cost of [Corporatist] Complacency

An interesting article from the Economists’ Voice (Éloi Laurent "Eurozone: The High Cost of Complacency", January 2009) argues that while the Euro is politically and economically attractive to a host of collapsing smaller economies, the Eurozone itself "is inert".

"How to make sense of this seeming contradiction?" asks Laurent. "It is tempting to blame America for Europe’s recession, but... Actually, if we view the last decade as a whole, we see that European passivity has cost it dearly and there lies the key to the Eurozone’s still unfulfilled promise."

Laurent's view of the Eurozone's failures reads like a description of what has happened in Ireland.

"...The ten years between 1999 and 2008 have been a golden era. There probably was not a better time in contemporary history to launch a monetary union and, learning by doing, to build efficient and resilient economic policy institutions to ensure its prosperity and sustainability. Yet, the decade was largely lost by Europeans in vain doctrinal debates and sterile blame game sessions. ...The reason [that technocratic debate] absorbs so much time and energy [of the European leadership] is that, absent a true democracy, economic doctrine has become over the years the justification of political power in Europe."

Laurent is only partially correct. Indeed, the technocratic economic doctrine debates have been a marker for European political landscape since 1999, but the debates became so central to the EU functioning because of the dogmatic pursuit of social consensus as the only benchmark for policy success. In other words, absent real democracy, the EU had to devise a deus ex machina replica of legitimizing democratic institutions. This is what social consensus - or corporatism, as it became known in Europe in the 1930s and 1940s - predicated upon.

The problem is that social consensus fails when ti comes to the need to formulate potentially unpopular and decisive policies. "With virtually the whole planet booming over the past decade, the Eurozone has, since its creation in 1999, displayed the worse performance in terms of growth and unemployment of the developed world, barely ahead of a depressed Japan."

What was the EU response to this crisis of insufficient growth? "One might conclude from [international comparisons] that the value added of the Euro is so far, at best, dubious and wonder why. But the European Commission did not, and recommended instead more of the same economic policies, stressing the importance of “budgetary surveillance” for the future and dismissing calls for improving economic cooperation and coordination among member states. [Thus] the ECB made in 2008 the exact same mistake as in 2001 by resisting a necessary cut in interest rates (actually, it increased interest rates in July 2008), waiting for the worst to be certain instead of trying to prevent it."

Laurent omits to mention the laughably naive EU Commission road maps and 'agendas' - the Lisbon I and Lisbon II frameworks for economic growth, the Barroso's Social Economy lunacy, and lastly the idea that geopolitical enlargement will resolve economic growth and political legitimacy deficits. For their claim that European Unification is predicated on a deeply historical rooting of European people, this Commission is failing a primary school lesson in history: the same strategies for legitimization have marked the Ottoman and Austro-Hungarian Empires, as well as a bag full of unsavory regimes in the early 20th century Europe.

But, getting back to the economy: few probably remember today the 1970s. Back then, it took European countries more than double the length of time it took the US to come out of the crises, despite the fact that Europe had at the time much lower dependency on imported oil than the US. Why? That European disease of not willing to take the necessary economic policy adjustments. The same sclerosis is present within the Eurozone today. "After the 2001 recession, [thanks to the Fed active intervention] it took a year for the US to go from negative to vigorous growth. In the Eurozone, it took five years to fully recover. As for fiscal policy, ...a true European stimulus is still nowhere in sight, even as the economic outcome worsens by the day."

Taking real policy decisions and implementing new policies is something that is clearly not en vogue in Brussels. "Facts speak for themselves in this regard: the financial and banking crisis started to receive an adequate response after an improvised meeting of head of states and governments of the Eurozone last October, a standing body that does not even exist in
European treaties. As [Jean-Paul] Fitoussi observed: “the structure of power is such in Europe that those institutions who have the instruments to react have not the legitimacy to do so while those which have the legitimacy no longer have the instruments. Hence the passivity of European policy reaction.

This is a sweeping (and absolutely apt) description of the entire political illegitimacy of the current EU power structures. But it is also an apt description of the Irish governance disease.

Just as an unelected and unaccountable EU Commission (and its Directorates) has no capacity to legitimize its rule, except via an elitist consensus bought by providing a guarantee of access to the feeding troughs of Brussels, so the elected European Parliament has no capacity to exercise its democratic mandate. Just as an unelected and unaccountable Social Partnership in Ireland has no capacity to rule except by bribing its way through all and any changes in economic environment, the elected Dail has been reduced to a nearly irrelevant student debating society. In both cases, corporatism has won and society has lost.

In 1934, Eoin O'Duffy - an Irish corporatist - stated: "We must lead the people always; nationally, socially and economically. We must clear up the economic mess and right the glaring social injustices of to-day by the corporative organization of Irish life; but before everything we must give a national lead to our people... The first essential is national unity. We can only have that when the Corporative system is accepted."

Am I the only one who sees clear parallels between this historical statement and our Government's (and EU's) active suppression of any dissent and the pursuit of a social-consensus model of policy formulation?

Sunday, February 1, 2009

European v American Model: Labour and Leisure

Recently, I was invited to adjudicate TCD's Hist annual debate with Yale. It was, as such nights always are, a really great exchange of good-spirited fun and youthful energy. The topic of the debate was the clash of two values systems: the so-called American Model of economic development against the caring social-economy model this side of the Atlantic.

Great fun aside, neither Yale, nor TCD team produced much of earth shattering factual evidence to defend their arguments. Instead, several commonly held cliches, became the focal points fo the entire discourse.

One of these was the argument advanced by the TCD side that Americans enjoy lower quality of life than Europeans because the former work longer hours than the latter. It was frustrating watching the Yale team inventing epicycles to by-pass the thorny issue. In reality they did not have to do this, since the claim is simply not true.

Some years ago I worte about the matter in several articles (see an example here). But all comparisons between the quality of hours spent outside paid work enjoyed by Americans and Europeans are somewhat qualitative. 'Sure, maybe Americans do less own work at home, but what if Europeans actually enjoy house work?' goes an argument from the Eurofans side.

Ok, so Americans do indeed work longer hours than Europeans do. The question then becomes as to why these differences arise? Economics distinguishes two sources of greater aggregate hours worked in any economy:
  • the extensive margin - differences in hours worked due to differences in employment and labour force participation rates; and
  • the intensive margin - the number of hours worked per person employed.
A paper, published in November 2008 by the German Institute for the Study of Labor (IZA Discussion Paper No 3846, Langot, F. and C. Quintero-Rojas "European vs. American Hours Worked: Assessing the Role of the Extensive and Intensive Margins") shows very interesting results:
  • Concerning the impact of the extensive margin, the authors show that "the two dimensions of the extensive margin, the employment rate and the participation rate, explain the most of the total-hours-gap between regions. Moreover, both ratios have similar weight." In other words, Americans work longer hours than Europeans primarily because more Americans than Europeans are in employment and in the labour force. To say that Europeans 'enjoy' less work and more leisure is, according to this finding, equivalent to say that Europeans enjoy being unemployed and having no prospect of ever gaining a job in the future.
  • "Conversely," say the authors, "the intensive margin, measured by the number of hours worked per employee, has the smallest role."
The paper looks at data for Belgium, Spain, France, Italy, UK and US over 1960-2003. Here are few more details from their findings:

"We observe that in most countries the role of the intensive margin seems to be important before the mid 1970s" [which implies that American workers, on average, tended to work longer hours per person than their European counterparts not in the years of heartless Reganomics, but in the years of liberal Democrats - Kennedy, LBJ and Jimmy 'The Peanut' Carter].

"Thereafter, the contribution of the average hours per employee is very poor... In general, the two dimensions of the extensive margin have a minor impact before the 1970s. Thereafter, in all countries the relevance of the three variables is quite similar."
[This shows that consigned to long term unemployment, Europeans are working less since the onset of the 1980s - precisely when Europe decided to depart from the 'American' model of flexible labour markets in favour of the socialist/welfare state model of employment].

And so, "about 2/3 of the observed fall in the total hours of market work in European countries, relative to the US, is mostly explained by the dynamics of the extensive margin (that is, by the employment and the participation), and roughly 1/3 by the dynamics of the intensive margin (the hours worked per employee), particularly after the 1980s."

I rest my case...

Tuesday, January 27, 2009

Global trade protectionism: politics at its worst

To start with, here is a great quote from Jagdish Bhagwati - courtesy of the Cato Institute's Center for Trade Policy Studies:

"[L]abour union lobbies and their political friends have decided that the ideal defence against competition from the poor countries is to raise their cost of production by forcing their standards up, claiming that competition with countries with lower standards is “unfair”. “Free but fair trade” becomes an exercise in insidious protectionism that few recognise as such."
"Obama and Trade: An Alarm Sounds," Financial Times. January 9, 2009.


Lest anyone thought that one party controlling the Congress and the White House is such a handy idea, there is a welcome package for the EU's exporters being prepared by the Democrats.

According to the reports in today's press, President Obama's much-awaited $825bn stimulus package will include a “Buy America” clause - the American Steel First Act. The act will ensure that only US-made steel will be used in $64 billion of federally financed infrastructure projects.

Clearly, Anyone-but-the-Republicans EU leadership is going to see some nasty surprises from the new Administration - if not courtesy of Mr Obama himself, then certainly thanks to the good old protectionist traditional Democrats that Europeans love so much.

The initiative has already secured the House of Representatives Appropriations Committee blessing and is about to trigger a new Steel War with Europe. The EU Commission is already making noises about taking the US to WTO. The US, of course, signed and ratified the WTO's Government Procurement Agreement which requires it to grant fair access to its federally financed projects to all competitors.

If course, some EU states themselves are toying with 'Buy Domestic' types of rescue packages. France, usually the leader of the protectionist pack despite being economically open when it comes to French sales and investments abroad has squeezed in a €6bn aid package for its automakers that includes a commitment for them to purchase on French-made components.

In the UK, plans to give state aid to car makers are also reportedly to include assurances from the comapnies not to use funds outside the country.

A similar €4bn package of aid to Saab and Volvo in Sweden also came with the same strings attached.

And then there is a decision to reintroduce dairy export subsidies by the EU's Agricultural Commissioner, Mariann Fischer Boel. The measure is not only protectionist, but came despite the EU commitment in November 2008 not to introduce new trade barriers in order to allow the troubled Doha Round of global trade talks to be finalised with some face-saving dignity for the WTO.

So maybe in the end Mr Obama is an EU-like President?

Of course, the developing nations are also moving in quickly to shut some of their markets to foreign competition, but this is hardly a reasonable ground for EU and US to start erecting their own trade barriers. History offers a somber reminder: passage of the 1930 Smoot-Hawley Tariff Act in the US triggered a wave of tariff increases across the world. Within a year, average foodstuffs tariffs went up 53% in France, 60% in Austria, 66% in Italy, 75% in Yugoslavia, 80% plus in Czechoslovakia, Germany, Romania and Spain and more than doubled in Bulgaria, Finland and Poland. We all know what that led the world...

Euro Area GDP forecast - Update I

Last month I predicted that the forward looking barometer of economic activity in the Euro-area, the €-coin indicator published by CEPR and Banca d’Italia will register a small temporary correction from its historically low level of -0.15% (growth of Euro-area GDP forecast) in December 2008. I also forecast that the Euro-coin indicator will follow the downward path in February back to -0.15% reading.Alas, I was too optimistic. Today’s Euro-coin data shows that the measure of economic activity in the Euro-area has fallen once again, this time to -0.21% in January 2009. This changes both my original forecast for February 2009 Euro-coin indicator and for Q1 2009 GDP growth rate in the Eurozone.

My new forecasts are:
  • Eurozone GDP Growth rate: -0.8% in Q1 2009
  • Euro-coin: -0.17-0.25 February-March 2009, with expected value of -0.22.

Monday, January 26, 2009

Eurzone's growing pain

Willem Buiter's post makes a timely and an obvious point that the new stage of the global financial crisis is beginning to pull Eurozone monetary structures apart. Buiter starts the argument by describing a rising tide of financial protectionism:

“Consequently, we have seen two forms of re-nationalisation of banking and finance. The first form of nationalisation has been the taking into partial or complete public ownership of banks and other financial institutions deemed too systemically important (too big, to interconnected or too politically connected) to fail. This has happened virtually everywhere... More examples will follow. The second form of re-nationalisation of banking and finance is the restriction of access to the fiscal and financial resources of the nation state just to those banks and other financial entities that have a significant presence in that nation state.”

Buiter points to the lack of coherent single fiscal policy platform for the EU as the underlying cause for these developments. In particular, he stresses that the Eurozone has common monetary policy, but national regulatory environments and fiscal polices, all pulling in different directions at the time of the crisis.

“The Eurozone is in a bit of a pickle here, because although it has a central bank with supposed uniform access to its resources for all Eurozone banks, regulation and supervision remain national and fiscal bail-outs (recapitalisation by the state, guarantees, insurance, loans or whatever provided by the sovereign) definitely remain national. When the central bank acts as market maker of last resort, as the Banca d’Italia is now doing in the Italian interbank market, it takes on significant credit risk which requires a fiscal back-up - the Italian Treasury. But that undermines the principle of equal treatment of banking institutions across the Eurozone...”


Solutions:
• either a “supranational fiscal authority with its own tax and borrowing powers, accountable to the European Parliament …and the Council...” or
• “…a pan-Eurozone fund, fully pre-funded and containing, say, 2 or 3 trillion euro to begin with. This Eurofund could be managed by the European Commission, subject to parliamentary oversight and control by the European Parliament and the Council. The fund could be drawn upon to provide financial assistance to systemically important troubled banks in the Eurozone, according to guidelines agreed by the EC, the EP, the Council and the ECB. …the fund [is] to raise its resources through the issuance of bonds that would be guaranteed jointly and severally by all Eurozone member states.

Of course, there are other solutions, which Buiter omits for obvious political reasons. These include:
1. Doing nothing, threatening a disorderly collapse of the Euro, should the current crisis continue to deepen; or
2. Partially re-introducing parallel national currencies to run alongside the Euro.

The last option is a milder version of a ‘nuclear’ first option, but desperate times do call for desperate measures.

The two solutions Buiter proposes are about as realistic as Salvador Dali’s landscapes:

• A common fiscal policy is a complete non-starter at this time.
• While a joint EU15-wide fund would be welcomed by the EU officials – ever hungry to get more power – underwriting such a fund (in excess of 32% of the Eurozone 2008 GDP) will be crippling for national governments, especially at the time when their own finances are under immense pressure from banks bailouts and fiscal stimuli.

In addition, the ages old concern of Germany and other states that the fund will be abused by the less fiscally prudent states, e.g Italy, Spain and France, constrains its feasibility, while strained sovereign debt markets are constraining the feasibility of raising such amount of money to capitalize the fund.

In this framework, unless the current downturn is reversed in the next 3-6 months, it is clear that an evolutionary process of fiscal policy responses and monetary policy constraints across the Eurozone will be creating more incentives for Balkanization of the Euro. Short of lapsing into oblivious denial of the reality, it is only a matter of managing this process that the ECB can be concerned with at this moment in time.

Monday, January 5, 2009

10 years of the Euro: Part III. Two notes

In two footnotes to these two posts on the Euro (Post I and Post II),

(1) A recent article by Maurice J.G. Bun and Franc J.G.M. Klaassen, titled "The Euro Effect on Trade is not as Large as Commonly Thought", published in the Oxford Bulletin of Economics and Statistics, Vol. 69, Issue 4, pp. 473-496, August 2007 provides an even more damming estimate of the poor Euro performance as trade-facilitation currency union:
"Existing studies on the impact of the euro on goods trade report increments between 5% and 40%. These estimates are based on standard panel gravity models for the level of trade. We show that the residuals from these models exhibit upwards trends over time for the euro countries, and that this leads to an upward bias in the estimated euro effect. To correct for that, we extend the standard model by including a time trend that may have different effects across country-pairs. This shrinks the estimated euro impact to 3%."
... and this is from two Dutch academics, not some 'Euro-skeptic' Americans or Brits... Ouch...

(2) The same issue of the Oxford Bulletin of Economics contained another article - previously published by the Austrian Central Bank - by Harald Badinger from the Europainstitut/ Department of Economics of Wirtschaftsuniversität Wien, titled "Has the EU’s Single Market Programme fostered competition? Testing for a decrease in markup ratios in EU industries". This research showed that using panel data covering 10 EU Member States over the period 1981 to 1999, for manufacturing, construction, and services, as well as for 18 detailed industries, the EU’s Single Market Programme has led to:
  • an increase in competition in the aggregate manufacturing, and – less robustly – for construction;
  • a decrease in competition in most service industries since the early 1990s.
This, also, is a discouraging sign for the Euro, especially as services account for more than half of the entire economic activity (and trade) within the Eurozone...
Once again, Ouch!..

Sunday, January 4, 2009

10 years of the Euro: Part II. Mid-term Euro trend

See a disclosure here

It is this (see Part I) political motivation for the Euro that now threatens to undermine the main reasons for arguing that the Euro is a success story. European elites see the strengthening of the Euro against the US dollar as a sign that the new currency is gaining the market share as a global reserve currency.

But the problem for the Euro is that gaining a market share in a largely symbolic market for reserve currency at the expense of losing a market share in the real trade markets is a Phyrric victory.

NBER paper by Michael Bordo and Harold James (NBER Working Paper 13815, February 2008) makes similar point in devoting quite a bit of space to the discussion of the Euro as an international currency. They identify the precise mechanics for politically motivated international demand for the Euro as an alternative to the US dollar.

Because of the demand for Euro as an international reserve vehicle is politically motivated, argue Bordo and James,
“It is – projecting into the future – quite conceivable that there will be moments at which massive political pressure, built up by underlying anti-globalization concerns and focused on the technical necessities of dealing with major international crises, leads to a serious onslaught against the ECB and against the euro.”

From politics to economic fundamentals
Furthermore, the strengthening of the Euro throughout 2008 has been largely driven not by the underlying strengths of the Eurozone economies, but by the interest rates differentials between the ECB, BofE and the US Fed.

Chart 1 shows the link between the FX market and the policy gap – the gap between the cost of central banks funding as determined by the difference between the actual (realised) monthly Federal Funds Rates and the minimum benchmark ECB Deposit Facility rate from August 2000 through December 2008 (the entire historical data available to us).
As this figure highlights, the current Euro crisis is a lagged aftermath of the policy crisis that saw the medium-run directionality of the Federal Reserve policy becoming the exact opposite of the ECB’s policy stance around November 2005. By July 2007, as the credit crisis first manifested itself, the ECB’s suicidal denial of the problem became even more clear as the Eurozone rates have actually risen in the face of collapsing credit markets, just as the Fed aggressively pursued rates cuts.

Of course, many other variables help driving the exchange rates especially in the long run (more on this in the next post). However, the link between the Euro value and the interest rates mismatch between the ECB and the Fed is a historical regularity, as shown in Figures 2 and 3 below.
Figure 2 above plots the relationship between the monetary policy gap and the Euro/USD exchange rate. This relationship is causal, strong (with 63% of variation in the FX exchange rate captured by variation in the policy gap) and robust over time. It is also economically significant, with every +25bps change in the gap between the US Fed rates and the ECB rates inducing a ca Euro 0.021 strengthening in the dollar. This assumes parity at USD1.43 per 1 Euro for the period selected.

Figure 3 shows a similar relationship between the synthetic Euro/Dollar rate (linked to the traded index designed to replicate the returns on holding Euro). In fact, both the synthetic index and the actual exchange rates reaction to the monetary policy gap are virtually identical at -8.2 points for the former and -8.5 for the latter.
So where do we go next?
Figure 4 shows the actual movements in the monthly EUR/USD exchange rate and its 6-months and 12-months moving averages.

The relationship between the three lines indicates that in Q3 2008 we have entered a new trend of strengthening dollar that, so far, has taken us back to the levels closer to the resistance levels of the early 2007. The fact that we have, since, returned back to the levels consistent with Q3 2007 is a worrying point, as it suggests that November-December correction in the extremely high valuations of the Euro is not likely to persist in time.

However, there is little certainty as to the near-term direction in the EUR/USD rate. Several forces are currently pulling the FX markets demand for both currencies in different directions:
(1) The monetary policy gap is set to close in the next few months as the ECB loosens the key rates more dramatically than the already bootstrapped Fed;
(2) The liquidity policy gap (not plotted in this post) is also set to narrow as the ECB will be playing catch up with the Fed on injecting liquidity into the markets. Note: ECB’s liquidity creation is likely to support sovereign bond markets across Europe’s weaker economies (Ireland, Greece, Italy, Spain, etc), while the US liquidity creation is going primarily into banking and financial sectors;
(3) Financial markets demand for Euro is likely to weaken relative to the US dollar around Q2 2009 as US stock markets and bond markets will strengthen relative to the Eurozone;
(4) Both the US and the Eurozone’s imports will stagnate as the US consumers continue to de-leverage and the Eurozone consumers suffer significant personal disposable income shocks. However, while the US consumers de-leveraging has been pretty much fully priced in the current valuations, the slowdown in the Eurozone’s consumer demand is yet to be reflected in the FX valuations;
(5) US exports will remain relatively more robust than those in the Eurozone;
(6) A relative strengthening of the US economy vis-à-vis that of the Eurozone countries starting with Q2 2009 is likely to further improve demand for dollars;
(7) Relatively more dynamic prices contraction in the real estate coupled with the falling cost of mortgages financing in the US as compared to the Eurozone will continue to push the dollar down against the Euro;
(8) Stronger fiscal stimuli in the US than in the Eurozone will tend to favour relative increases in demand for dollar.
(1)-(3), (5)-(6) and (8) will all tend to support relative devaluation of the Euro. (4) and (7) will imply stronger decline in foreign exchange demand in the Eurozone than in the US – a force that will tend to support further devaluation of the dollar.

On the net, the preponderance of fundamentals suggests strengthening of the dollar relative to Euro in the next 3-6 months into $1.30/€1-$1.35/€1 range, but the key to this process will be increased volatility of the 3-months and 6-month MA trends (as opposed to the volatility in the daily series). The signs of this process taking hold should be traceable by the 3-way crossovers in the actual monthly series (led by weekly series) and the 6- and 12-months MA lines, as shown in the historical plot in Figure 4 above.

10 years of the Euro: Part I. Economic Dividend

Following one of the reader's suggestions, I decided to post some of my thoughts on the Euro and the direction of the EUR/USD and EUR/BPS exchange rates. This is the first blog post dealing with these issues.

A prior disclosure (see below)...


On December 29, 2008 Harvard’s Jeffrey Frankel – one of the world’s leading international macroeconomics experts wrote:
“By roughly the five-year mark after the launch of the euro in 1999, enough data had accumulated to allow an analysis of the early effects of the euro on European trade patterns. Studies include Micco, Ordoñez and Stein (2003), Bun and Klaassen (2002), Flam and Nordström (2006), Berger and Nitsch (2005), De Nardis and Vicarelli (2003, 2008), and Chintrakarn (2008)… Overall, the central tendency of these estimates seems to be a trade effect in the first few years on the order of 10-15%. None came anywhere near the tripling estimates of Rose (2000), or the doubling estimates (in a time series context) of Glick and Rose (2002).”


Reasons for relatively poor performance
In his 2008 paper, Frankel looks at the possible reasons for this poor (relative to the original expectations) performance of the common currency:
(1): It takes time for the effects on trade to reach full potential;
(2): Monetary unions have smaller effects on large countries than small countries, and
(3): The original estimates were spuriously high because bilateral currency links have historically been the result of bilateral trade links rather than the cause (the so-called endogeneity problem).

What Frankel found was that correcting for the first argument does not change the rate of underperformance of the Euro relative to the original expectations. In other words, “at the moment there is little evidence to support the lags explanation”. With respect to the second argument, Frankel established that “There is no tendency, overall, for currency unions to have larger effects on the trade of small countries than large.” Finally, testing the third explanation also shows that it fails “to explain the gap between the recent euro estimates and the historical estimates”.

What all of this suggests is that the original justification for the existence of the Euro – the idea that it will boos significantly economic competitiveness of the exports-driven Euro block of countries – is yet to be confirmed. Neither on its 5th birthday, nor on its 10th anniversary did the Euro show a significant (economically) prowess to drive economic development of the Eurozone.

Even more egregious is the fact that the estimated effectiveness of the Euro to generate exports growth did not appear to move up between January 1, 2004 and the end of 2008.

A handful of strengths
This is not to say that the Euro has been a failure. Frankel – long-time champion of the common currency – states in another article that: “Looking back, the euro has in many ways been more successful than predicted by the sceptics — many of them American economists.” The list of such successes that he provides relates only to the metrics which reflect the positive reception of the Euro and the ECB amongst the world economies.

More trouble ahead
However, as Frankel puts it:
“…some of the sceptics' warnings have come to pass: shocks have hit members asymmetrically; cushions such as US-type labour mobility have remained thin; and the Stability and Growth Pact has proven unenforceable. Furthermore, the popularity of the project with the elites does not extend to the public, many of whom are convinced that when the euro came to their country, higher prices came with it.”

The latter point is now being reinforced by the former across all European economies. In fact, popular decline of the Euro has been so steep in 2007-2008 that the Eurobarometer gauge of public opinion has shown declining willingness of the electorates in Germany, France, Italy and pretty much the rest of the Eurozone, to remain a part of the ECB-run common currency area in contrast to the upward support trend recorded in 2002-2006.

What is more problematic for the, still, relatively young currency is that the cost of the ‘one monetary policy – different economies’ strategy for the Euro might be a long-term suppression of growth across the entire Eurozone. If monetary policy were to become a tool for delivering European convergence, it might lead to the convergence benchmark being set at an anaemic growth trend of Germany, France and Italy. In other words, rather than pushing the slow growth larger Eurozone economies up, the Euro might be pushing faster growth ‘fringe’ economies (Ireland, Austria, Sweden and Finland, alongside the Accession 10 states that care to join common currency or peg to it) down.

Nobel Prize winning economist, Robert Fogel in a 2007 paper suggested that a rate of real GDP growth for the period 2000-2040 of 1.2 percent for the industrialized EU-15 will be only slightly higher than the 1.1 percent for Japan, but a “much lower than the 3.8 percent for the United states or 7.1 percent for India or 8.4 percent for China.”

A recent NBER paper by Michael Bordo and Harold James (NBER Working Paper 13815, February 2008) makes very similar point by stating that:
“In particular, there is the possibility for the EMU that low rates of growth will produce direct challenges to the management of the currency, and a demand for a more politically controlled and for a more expansive monetary policy. Such demands might arise in some parts or regions or countries of the euro area, but not in others and would lead to a politically highly difficult discussion of monetary governance.”

A litany of challenges
Bordo and James look into asymmetric regional shocks impact, labour mobility effects, wage and price flexibility conditions, and risk sharing mechanisms implicit under the Euro as discussed in the existent literature and find that in all of these issues, the Eurozone monetary policy institutions are inferior to the arrangements in the US.

“The most obvious threat to the single currency is usually held to arise out of the imperfect control and coordination of national fiscal policies,” say Bordo and James, going on to conclude, contrary to the pundits of greater federalism at the EU level that:
“A formalized system of fiscal federalism would however not necessarily deal with the problems of fiscal indiscipline on the part of member states. Indeed, the expectation of institutionalized transfers or bailouts following fiscal problems might well be expected to increase the incentives for bad behavior. Stricter observance of the existing system and its rules, on the other hand, might lead to pressure to reform. Fiscal reforms would in the longer run be expected to raise the rate of growth.”

Of course, to date, the EU has failed to enforce the code of fiscal discipline among its members. In fact, 2004-2005 saw a set of reforms aimed at diluting the Stability & Growth Pact criteria for fiscal performance.

Financial stability of the system is another area of challenge for the Euro, where the lack of coherent regulatory structure is the mirror image of the overly centralized monetary policy. Again, Bordo and Lames sum this up by saying that:
“The difficulty of an effective Europe-wide response to financial sector problems thus reflects a more general problem with respect to the making of monetary policy: there may be a different political economy of money in regions of the Euro-zone and EU member countries, leading to contradictory pressures on policy.”

All of this implies greater volatility around the trend for smaller and more open economies, so occasionally countries like Ireland will be going through more pronounced boom-and-bust cycles, but in the end, average (or potential) long-run growth will remain below that in the US, Canada, and the rest of the developed world.


Disclosure: I would like to explicitly state that I do not share in some analysts' view that Ireland would fare better outside the Eurozone, nor do I believe that the Euro has been a sort of a disaster. I see the Euro as a challenging and generally positive element of the European integration project. This view motivates my analysis of the weaknesses in the common monetary and currency policy to date. It is my desire to see a gradual strengthening of the European democracy and markets that inform my analysis. Sadly, I feel that this disclaimer is a necessity in the current climate of attacks on the freedom of thought and expression that characterise our (European) political and economic policy debates.

Friday, December 26, 2008

Euro Area GDP forecast

Using Euro COIN data released last week, I constructed two trend points (short-run trend consistent with contraction from Q3 2006, and long-term trend consistent with entire time series from January 1999). These provide forecast for January-February 2009 Euro area GDP growth based on the trends and predictive power of the Euro COIN model. The series, including forecasts, plotted in the graph below, point to a continued and deepening contraction in the Eurozone economy through February 2009.