Showing posts with label competitiveness. Show all posts
Showing posts with label competitiveness. Show all posts

Wednesday, July 15, 2015

15/7/15: Greece is Not Unique in Dissing EU Commitments


In previous two posts, I explored couple of angles on the famous Trust thingy that, allegedly, Greece so massively lacks. But, of course, my comparatives related to the 'peripheral' euro states, mostly Ireland. You can use the same two charts to draw conclusions on comparing Greek performance to other states, but the question still remains: outside the 'periphery' just how much Trust currency is there in circulation in the EU?

Take countries that are not in the group of borrowers from the IMF. There should be plenty of Trust to go around amongst them and the EU. And this means there should be plenty of agreement between their policies and the policies suggested to them by the Commission, especially those aimed at addressing that major burner of Trust - failure to comply with core fiscal criteria.

We can take a snapshot of this 'metric' of Trust by looking at how severely do EU member states deviate in their policies from the Commission prescriptions. This 'metric', after all, is an exact replica of the arguments advanced in the Eurogroup in the context of accusing Greece of wasting EU's trust.

So here is a handy chart, from the EU Commission:

What the above shows is that back in 2013 all of the EU states who were issued with 'country-specific recommendations' concerning their poor fiscal performance opted to ignore these recommendations. That is some Trust, there.

Between 2011-2012 and 2013 the extent of non-compliance did not decline (despite all the talk about austerity and structural reforms), but rose both on average and specifically in 10 out of 14 countries covered by these recommendations. That's some more Trust, right there.

On average, in 2013, some 43% of all EU Commission recommendations were not implemented by the states that are so distinctly Trustworthy from Greece, that Greece was singled out as a special case by the Eurogroup and the Euro Council.

Some of the worst offenders was Germany, and its pal (in berating Greece) Lithuania, plus the usual suspects of Italy and France.

Now, I am not a fan of EU Commission recommendations. But the fact is: Greece is by far not unique in terms of 'reforms' fatigue or lack of engagement with the EU Commission proposals on fiscal adjustments.

15/7/15: Is it Trust or Fiscal Performance? Greece v Excessive Deficit Procedures


As noted in the previous post, that Trustless Greece apparently is a better example of European policies of internal devaluation at work than the best-in-class Ireland. At least by metric of competitiveness.

But what about Fiscal Trust? After all, there is a unifying metric for that one - the European Commission own Excessive Deficit Procedure. And here is a handy table from EU Commission own presentation on the topic:


Yes, yes... a little help. Since 1997 (that is across the Celtic Tiger era boom too), Ireland was on the penalty bench with EU in relation to breaking fiscal rules for 11 years. Greece - also 11 years. One has zero Trust in its EU account. The other has Fort Knox worth of that 'hard' EU currency...

Either the Rule is dodgy or something's fishy in the arithmetic...

15/7/15: Is it Trust or Competitiveness? Greece v Unit Labour Costs


Remember hard currency of Europe - no not the euro - Trust? And remember how Greeks lack that currency because of failed reforms and incomplete adjustments?

Here's a nice chart from the EU Commission itself showing changes in economic competitiveness (the EU fetishised) metric of Unit Labour Costs.


In this, untrustworthy Greece is more competitive in 2013-2015 than the best-in-class Ireland. 

So if the internal devaluations work their magic, as the EU seems to believe, then by this metric, Greece should have been a roaring success story... with a surplus of Trust to spare some for Ireland.

Then, again, the EU won't notice other factors at play in determining GDP growth. The idiosyncratic ones, like, say, corporate tax inversions and 'knowledge development boxes' or (whispering) taxation double-sandwiches for lunch... Because everything is about Trust in Europe...

Tuesday, June 17, 2014

17/6/2014: Some more troublesome facts about European Competitiveness rankings...


Yesterday, I posted briefly on World Economic Forum Competitiveness Rankings for European Union. That post is available here.

Since then, few people came back to me with a request of running the same analysis across all countries covered in the report. So here it is.

First, WEF Rankings:

Supposedly, higher ranking (lower rank number) means better economic competitiveness. Which should imply two things:
1) Negative correlation between rank and economic growth (higher competitiveness --> higher growth in the economy)
2) Negative correlation between rank improvement (improved rankings) and economic growth (improving competitiveness --> higher growth).

Here is a chart plotting average growth rate in the economies covered by WEF over 2010-2013 (same result, qualitatively, holds for 2012-2013 average, to remove some of the volatility in growth rates) and WEF rankings improvements:


No, statistically-speaking there is no relationship of any meaning between WEF Competitiveness performance over 2012-2014 and growth performance over 2010-2013.

What about rank performance in 2014 and 2012-2013 growth rates?
Nope. No relationship at all.

How about rank performance in 2012 against future 2012-2013 growth?
Totally zero relationship.

So what does this WEF Competitiveness indicator measure exactly? Pet projects of WEF members? Intensity of politically correct policies deployment in the European states? I have no idea, but their competitiveness seems to have preciously nada to do with growth performance...

Sunday, June 15, 2014

15/6/2014: WEF Misses on Another 'Metric'...


WSJ reported on Finland taking the lead in the EU competitiveness gains:


Link here: http://blogs.wsj.com/brussels/2014/06/10/finland-leapfrogs-sweden-in-competitiveness-new-report-says/?mod=e2tw

And here is my reply...


So Finland is one of the worst performers in the EA18 in terms of actual growth outcomes during the crisis and subsequent recovery. And it was followed by Sweden (stronger performer) and the Netherlands (even worse performer than Finland)...

This just confirms simple fact: World Economic Forum is not a very good indicator of anything other than egos of its participants and 'young leaders'... full stop... 

Saturday, May 17, 2014

17/5/2014: Long-term unemployment: Sticky & Alarming


Things are pretty bad on the long-term unemployment front in Ireland. I covered this earlier here: http://trueeconomics.blogspot.ie/2014/05/1552014-innovation-employment-growth.html and here: http://trueeconomics.blogspot.ie/2014/05/1552014-jobs-employment-lot-done-more.html

But another look shows some truly dire comparatives.


Take long-term unemployed as proportion of all unemployed - you get two insights:

  1. The proportion is rising. In Q3 2013 it was 58.4% and in Q4 2013 it rose to 61.4%. That's right, more than 6 out of 10 unemployed have been jobless more than a year, continuously. We do not know those who have been jobless more than 6 months (the cut-off point beyond which some research starts showing long-term deterioration in skills and aptitude).
  2. The proportion is sticky in the long run - it has been above 50% since Q3 2010 and above 56% since Q4 2010. Un-yielding. 


The second bit relates to the proportion of long-term recipients of LR supports - this too yields two conclusions:

  1. It is rising as well: up from 45.4% in Q4 2013 to 45.8% in Q1 2014.
  2. And it is on a rising trend over time.


But here's a damning thingy: all this long-term unemployment sustains our 'productivity' gains and competitiveness 'improvements': http://trueeconomics.blogspot.ie/2014/05/1652014-competitive-sports-of.html

Thursday, September 26, 2013

26/9/2013: Sunday Times 15/9/2013: What About Irish Competitiveness?

This is an unedited version of my Sunday Times column from September 15.


Recent experiments in psychology have shown that people routinely distort their interpretation of objective evidence to fit their subjective political beliefs. More ominously, our propensity to ideologically colour evidence appears to be greater the better we are with data analysis.

This ability of humankind to see data through the tinted glasses of our biases is present all around us, including in the interpretation of economic data.
Take two examples.

Recently, the relatively ideology-free World Economic Forum published its annual report on global economic competitiveness rankings for 2013-2014. According to the report, Ireland now ranks 28th in the world in terms of competitiveness, down one place on a year ago. Back in 2005-2006 – at the height of the boom, and amidst rampant business costs inflation, we ranked 21st. Overall, Ireland's global competitiveness has deteriorated by 7 places over the last ten years, with this year's performance just one notch better than the absolute nadir reached in 2011. A more ideologically-informed Heritage Foundation / WSJ Index of Economic Freedom continues to rank Ireland highly in the 13th place in the world in 2013. However, tinted lasses aside, our overall competitiveness score in the latter index declined from around 82-83 in 2006-2009 to below 76 this year.

Meanwhile, Irish political and business elites continue to brag about the remarkable gains in the country competitiveness, brought about by the policies enacted since the beginning of the crisis or at the very least, by the reforms that took place since the last elections. Almost 6 months ago, seemingly unburdened by evidence, Taoiseach Enda Kenny has declared that the government is "making this the best small country in the world to do business in…" Never mind that Ireland ranks outside the top 10 countries in the world in every reasonably comprehensive and objective rankings produced so far. And never mind that our rankings have deteriorated, rather than improved, since the onset of the crisis. The government will still spin the evidence.

The truth, of course, is somewhere in between the two extremes of the opinion.

One core measure of competitiveness is the labour-related cost of the unit of output in the economy, the so-called unit labour costs (ULCs). Based on the ECB data, we  achieved substantial gains in this measure, with ULCs falling 18 percent peak-to-trough. However, since the trough was reached in Q2 2012, Ireland’s performance has deteriorated. In 2009-2010, Irish unit labour costs fell by over 7 percent compared to 2008. The rate of cost deflation declined to 2.4 percent over 2011-2012. So far, since the start of 2013, the ULCs are rising. This exposes the underlying causes of changes in the ULCs over the crisis period. Much of the recent gains in labour competitiveness were driven by a dramatic rate of jobs destruction back in 2009-2011. As the jobs market stabilised, competitiveness gains vanished.  Exactly the same story is being told by the broader harmonised competitiveness indicators published by the Central Bank of Ireland.

However, the data also shows that the key driver for the deterioration in our cost competitiveness in more recent months is government policy.

As the result of our non-meritocratic approach to labour markets, lack of reforms in core areas relating to business development and entrepreneurship, the use of tax policies to fund wasteful bank crisis resolution measures and public spending, Ireland finds itself in an absurd situation where we rank 12th in the world in capacity to attract talent and 40th in capacity to retain the talent we attract. As our openness to FDI is bringing scores of talented workers into the country, our internal markets policies are pushing talent out of the country. Having had their fill of "the best small country in the world to do business in", globally skilled workers tend to get out of Ireland.

As the result of our inability to keep key skills and talent in the country, labour costs are starting to creep up, even before we see serious uptick in new employment. In 2009-2010, according to the OECD,  labour costs accounted for 74 percent of the total inputs costs in production in Ireland. In 2011, the latest for which we have data, this rose above 77 percent. Labour productivity growth, having peaked with unemployment increases in 2009 has fallen back by almost two thirds by 2012.

The latest data from CSO shows that average hourly earnings are now up in eight out of thirteen sub-sectors year on year through H1 2013. Crucially, in the areas under direct Government control, earnings are now rising once again and at speeds exceeding those recorded for the overall economy. Public sector average weekly earnings were up 1.3 percent year on year in Q2 2013 and non-commercial semi-state earnings are up 2.7 percent.

With every new report, the IMF reiterates its advice to the Irish authorities to continue focusing on labour markets reforms. Despite this, the Government staunchly refuses to address the main factors holding back our labour competitiveness. These are flexibility of wage determination (with Ireland ranked 103rd globally), flexibility in hiring and firing (we rank 43rd here) and linking pay to productivity, especially in the public sector (our rank is 38th worldwide). According to the WEF, Ireland ranks 90th in the world in terms of the effect of taxation on incentives to work.


So labour competitiveness improvements of the past are neither a credit to the Government reforms, nor appear to be sustainable over time. Now, lets take a look at other policies-linked metrics.

World Economic Forum report lists the top 5 factors acting to depress our global competitiveness scores. In order of decreasing importance these are: access to financing, inefficient government bureaucracy, inadequate supply of infrastructure, insufficient capacity to innovate, and tax rates. The first two come under direct remit of public reforms aimed at dealing with the crisis. The fourth one, capacity to innovate, is linked a myriad of incentives and subsidies crafted by Irish governments in an attempt to shift the economy away from bricks and mortar toward innovation and exports. The third and the last factors arise from the Government policies since 2008 that saw higher tax burdens and shrinking public capital investment become the drivers of the state response to the fiscal crisis. Thus, by WEF metrics, Irish Government is responsible for dragging down Irish economy's competitiveness, rather than pushing it up.

These findings are broadly in line with the Heritage/WSJ index readings, which shows that we score poorly on Government policies, fiscal performance, and public spending efficiency.
Despite years of austerity and alleged reforms in public sector management since 2008, the WEF report ranks us 55th in the world in terms of wastefulness of government spending, and 29th in terms of burden of government regulation. When it comes to the transparency of Government policymaking, Ireland ranks below 24 other countries around the globe. The latter is a metric directly targeted by the Troika-led reforms and the one where the Irish Government has, allegedly, done most work to-date. We have revamped banks regulation and reporting, significantly altered macroeconomic risk monitoring, fiscal policies oversight, economic policy development mechanisms and more. Yet for all our successes in this arena, we are not even in top 20 worldwide when it comes to policies transparency.

Another obvious flash point of the crisis was the lack of robust audit and oversight over the operations of our banks and some companies. One would expect that 5 years into dealing with the crisis, Ireland would have delivered some serious improvements in these areas. Alas, we still rank 58th in the world in terms of the strength of our audit and reporting standards. In a business oversight metric, the World Bank Doing Business report ranks Ireland 63rd in the world in terms of the  enforcement of contracts, with average time to resolve a dispute of 650 days in Ireland, against 510 days for the OECD average.  As a legacy of the protected sectors inefficiencies, our legal system imposes average costs of 26.9 percent of the total volume of dispute-related claims on contracted parties, against the OECD average of 20.1 percent.

The current Government came into office with a clear promise to reform domestic sectors to breath in more competition into protected markets. This has not happened to-date. State-controlled sectors, such as professional services, health insurance and health services, energy, transport, education, and so on, remain shielded from real competition. As the result, Ireland ranks 42nd in the world in intensity of local competition, and 24th in effectiveness of anti-monopoly policies, even though much of this effectiveness comes via Brussels. Property regulations, planning and permissions systems are as atavistic as they were before the bust, meaning that the World Bank ranks Ireland 106th in the world when it comes to dealing with construction permits.


Ireland’s performance on the competitiveness side is worrying. In the long-run competitiveness metrics and rankings – imperfect as they may be – help global investors allocate capital investment and productive activities of their companies around the world. Even more significantly, these metrics expose structural problems in the economy and governance systems that are holding back Irish domestic entrepreneurship and innovation.

As economies and fiscal positions of governments around the world improve over time, the competition for FDI and new markets for goods and services exports will heat up, once again. Downward pressure on taxes – Ireland’s core competitive advantage to-date – will re-accelerate too. At the same time, capital investment will remain scarce and costly, while skills shortages worldwide will once again start driving up cost of doing business, including here. This means that global investment flows will tend to be concentrated on the markets with the greatest demand growth potential, and where the profit margins are the highest. The only way Ireland will be able to compete is by becoming a competitiveness haven for product innovation and development, advanced specialist manufacturing, distribution, marketing and sales. Being just a tax haven will not be enough.




Box-out:

A financial transaction tax (FTT) on derivatives trades came into power in Italy this week, as a follow on to March 2013 introduction of the FTT on equity transactions. Per new law, derivatives will be taxed at rates that vary with the volume and the type of the contracts traded. Equities transactions are taxed at 0.12% for shares traded on a regulated exchange or 0.22% for over the counter trades. Six months in, the FTT is having an effect. As a number of analysts, including myself have warned prior to the introduction of the tax, Italian trading volumes for equities are down significantly, compared to the rest of Europe. Since March, Italian equity market turnover dropped to EUR50 billion from EUR101 billion a year ago. French equity markets experienced exactly the same effect post FTT introduction. At the peak in 2011, French equity market accounted for 23 percent of the European equity markets turnover. Today, it is at around 13 percent. There is also some evidence that wealthier investors are moving their transactions out of FTT-impacted equity markets. Which means that more burden of the levy – popularly mislabeled as 'Robin Hood' tax – is falling onto the shoulders of smaller investors. Falling trading volumes are now expected to undercut significantly Italian and French estimates for the Government revenues that FTT was expected to raise. With projected funding already allocated in the budgets, any shortfall will have to be compensated for via other taxes or cuts elsewhere. Yet, undeterred by the evidence, the EU continues to press on for a cross-border FTT. John Maynard Keynes once said: "When my information changes, I alter my conclusions." Sadly, his otherwise enthusiastic students in Brussels have missed that lesson.

Friday, September 7, 2012

7/9/2012: Ireland is not exactly shining in Global Competitiveness terms


Spot that Highly Competitive economy called Ireland?


Yep, that's right:

  • Ireland ranks 27th in the Global Competitiveness Index 2012-2013 a great improvement in rankings from 29th place in 2011-2012 won by the massive internal devaluation on the sacrificial fields of defending the overvalued euro.
  • Ireland rnaked 35th in Basic Requirements sub-index, 25th in Efficiency Enhancers sub-index and 20th in Innovation and Sophistication Factors sub-index
  • Ireland ranks 131st in the world in Macroeconomic Environment,
  • 108th in the world in Financial Markets Development,
  • 20th in the world in quality of higher education and training,
  • 18th in the world in business sophistication, and
  • 21st in business innovation.
All results are, of course, skewed positively by the MNCs operating here. 

Friday, September 2, 2011

2/09/2011: Competitiveness in the long run: did the euro help?

Another look at the evolution of euro area competitiveness: in the chart below I plot ECB’s Harmonized Competitiveness Indicators for the euro area since 1995 as measured by the average annual HCIs deflated by unit labour costs. The higher the value of the index, the lower is competitiveness.

Here are some interesting points to observe, based on the data:
  • The period since introduction of the euro witnessed deterioration or no improvement in overall competitiveness in all countries, save Germany, once the lags are accounted for (note, there is strong path dependency in many countries’ wages/labour costs due to long term contracts and generally sticky wages). Hence, for the period 1995-2001, euro area HCI averaged at 98.8, while for the period 2002-2010 the HCI averaged 99.8. Similarly, for France, HCI averages for the two sub-periods were 99.1 against 101.7, for Italy: 97.0 against 107.1, for Spain 98.4 against 108.3, for Finland, the Netherlands (Nordics) & Austria: 99.91 against 99.94 (statistically identical), for Ireland: 100.2 to 117.5 and for the rest of the euro area: 99.2 to 113.0.
  • The period of highest competitiveness for all countries, except Germany, coincides with the period when pre-euro qualification period forces of improving competitiveness reach their peak: 2001-2002. This overall euro area competitiveness peaks in 2001, France’s competitiveness peaks in 2001, Italian, Spanish, Nordics’ & Austrian, Irish and Rest of euro area competitiveness peaked in 2001.
  • After 2001, losses of competitiveness become pronounced across all economies, except Germany, with lowest competitiveness post-2000 points reached around 2008 (France, Spain and Ireland) or 2009 (all other countries, plus euro area as a whole).
  • Since the onset of the crisis (again, accounting for lags) there have been significant gains in competitiveness. As I noted elsewhere, in some cases (Ireland and Spain, for example) these gains came primarily due to a wholesale destruction of a number of non-competitive domestic sectors (construction and retail).
  • Gains in competitiveness have been very shallow in France (decline in HCI off the local pre-crisis peak of just 2.4%) and Italy (-3.2%), moderately weak in Germany (-5.22%), Nordics + Austria (-4.69%), Rest of Europe ex-Ireland (4.5%). Gains were close to euro area overall average (-9.2%) in Spain (-7.2%) and spectacularly strong in Ireland (-17.1%). It is worth noting once again that Irish gains in competitiveness came to a large extent from destruction of jobs in sectors that were least competitive before the bust (construction and domestic retailing and hospitality).

Overall influence of impressive German economic performance over the 2000s in terms of competitiveness can be clearly seen from the chart below.

But what the two charts above clearly suggest in terms of analysis for Ireland is really rather disturbing. Despite significant gains in competitiveness, Ireland remains well behind its peers in terms of absolute levels of HCIs – according to the latest data, we are lagging behind Germany, France, Italy, Spain, Finland, the Netherlands, Greece, Cyprus, Luxembourg, Malta, Austria, Portugal and Slovenia.

More importantly, delivering a similar magnitude decline over the next 2 years (a task that will either require unemployment rising to over 22% or a gargantuan effort in terms of productivity growth not seen in modern history of any state) will get us to the level of competitiveness comparable to 2001 – achieving HCI of ca 96.2.

It might be not bad, but should the trends across the other euro area countries also remain identical to those over the last 2 years, Ireland (with projected HCI under this scenario reaching 98.8) will be still less competitive than the euro area as a whole (92.9), Germany (82.8), the Nordics and Austria (98.7). If anyone expects this type of miracle to occur, good luck to them, but if anyone expects the result of this miracle to be a huge boost to our economic growth, let me point out the last little factoid that the data reveals: back in the 1990s our average HCI was 102.7 – below the euro area average of 104.2. With two consecutive ‘miracles’ we are not even aiming to get to parity of the euro area average.

Sunday, February 1, 2009

DofF Forecast: Update I

According to today's reports, the y-o-y tax take in January is down 15% (hat tip to B.).

My personal projection, given the dynamics of 2008 tax intake (remember, Q1 2008 was still positive growth territory and lagged tax revenue was rolling in) is that we are going to finish 2009 with ca 15-17% down on 2008. 2007-2008 decline was 9.4%, implying we are going to collect €34,550-35,380mln in 2009 or a shortfall of up to €7,080mln on 2008 revenue, not €3,898mln as DofF forecast in January. My previous post forecast €7,698mnl shortfall, so January figure appears to be generally supportive of this.

As B. mentioned, this will bring our revenue to 2005 level - 'four years lost' as he puts it. This is about right - fundamentals (productivity, wages, costs inflation) all point to ireland having abandoned growth path around 2003-2004 which means a return - in nominal terms (using Eurozone average inflation rate) - to 2002-2003 levels by the end of 2011 will be mean reverting (with downward overshoot, of course) for underlying growth fundamentals.

P.S. Meanwhile - our Vacuum-Head in Politics Watch has spotted the following idea from Gay Mitchell (FG MEP). Surely, the nation falling off the cliff into an abyss of a severe recession and fiscal insolvency has nothing better to do than engage its MEPs in advocating Gaelic subtitles in cinemas. Too bad Gay's brain power never stretched to imagine watching a French or a German film with Irish and English subtitles littering the same screen. Oh, dear...