Economics 27/10/2009: Recessions, Busts and Crunches

I am back from a very enjoyable (as always) trip to Paris and some 150km beyond. Superb retrospective of Pierre Soulages' work in Pompidou - a real master of true dynamism. A mouthwatering Hans Hartung print (some examples here) and two lovely Soulages' prints as well - all in my favorite gallery Paul Proute SA - were hard to resist, but given we are in a depression, while the French art market seems to be only in a recession, judging by prices, resistance was a-must.

One telling tale - at a lovely dinner with a small group of friends in the countryside, conversation took a quick turn to corrupt politics. Our French hosts were lamenting about the state of their country politics by pointing to a scandal surrounding Nicolas Sarkozy's plans to appoint his failed-lawyer son to head the Epad, the development corporation of La Défense (see a note here). Epad is a state-sponsored body and the French nation was literally lifted to its feet when nepotist Sarko tried to push his baby-faced offspring into the CEO seat. In return, I recalled for our friends the story of Bertie Ahearne arrogantly telling the nation that he gave state jobs to his cronies not because they provided him with money but because they were his friends. My French hosts couldn't believe that such a statement did not cost Bertie his job leading to years of public investigations and pursuits through courts. Nor could they believe that Bertie's friends are still, mostly, in their places of power.


Now, a couple quick notes relating our own troubles.

Stijn Claessens, M. Ayhan Kose and Marco E. Terro have published their excellent paper "What Happens During Recessions, Crunches and Busts?" (I wrote on it before based on the working paper version here) in Economic Policy, Vol. 24, Issue 60, pp. 653-700, October 2009. Here are couple interesting illustrations:
So per above, combined duration of contractionary segment of the credit crunch and housing price bust can be expected (on average) to last approximately 30 quarters (timing the current Irish crisis to last from Q1 2008 through Q2 2015 if the rate of house price bust and credit contraction here in Ireland was close to an average of the countries surveyed by the paper).

The latter 'if' is a serious assumption to make. Claessens, Kose and Terro show that the average bust/contraction is associated with a roughly 18% fall in credit supply and 29% decline in house prices. Of course, in Ireland, we are already seeing a 70% decline in credit supply and a 40-50% decline in house prices. So make a small adjustment - back of the envelope - to account for these and you get expected the current contraction/bust crisis to last more than 52 quarters, taking us well into the beginning of 2020 before the recovery truly takes hold.

And this dynamic is seemingly also in line with Claessens, Kose and Terro data on the impact of crises on GDP. 2008-2010 Irish GDP is expected to fall by some 13.5-15%. This is approximately 2.5 times the depth of the average adjustment associated with credit crisis and house price bust per Claessens, Kose and Terro, as illustrated in their chart reproduced below:
Oh, and for those 'advisers' who are telling Minister Lenihan that Ireland will recover from this crisis along the same trajectory as the 'average' OECD economy (the same advisers who are talking of 8-year cycles in property prices), here is how average Irish crisis is compared to the rest of the modern world history:
Only 4 countries so far have experienced a combination of Asset Price Bust + House Price Bust + Credit Crunch.


My second note of the day is about the effectiveness of fiscal spending as 'get-us-out-of-recession' stimulus. Given that the Government is now pre-committing itself to not cutting public sector pay, it is worth quickly mentioning that the Unions-supported idea that cutting public expenditure is only going to make our recession worse is simply untrue. A recent (July 2009) note by Fabrizio Perri of University of Minnesota, Federal Reserve Bank of Minneapolis titled "Comment on: Planning to cheat: EU fiscal policy in real time by Roel Beetsma, Massimo Giuliodori and Peter Wierts" provides an estimate of the fiscal expenditure multiplier for European economies. The number is 0.85... or, significantly less than 1. This suggests that cutting public spending will lead to a proportionately smaller reduction in GDP than the savings to be generated.

Here is an additional (excellent) note on the whole mess of fiscal multipliers. Adding to this, one has to recognise that Irish public spending is far less effective as a stimulus to the economy, as it is accounted for (to the tune of 70% of the total expenditure) by social welfare and wages - i.e. non-productive components. Thus, one can expect the above 0.85 multiplier estimated for Europe as a whole to be around 0.26-0.0.29. Which, in turn, means that any fiscal contraction in today's Ireland will likely result in a medium-term expansion of our economy. Then again, we already know this much from the 1980s experiences, don't we?

In reality, of course, taxing private economy amidst credit and asst price crises to continue wasting money on the current public expenditure is a sure way to extend and to deepen the recession, as:

• Our public expenditure level was not sustainable for this economy even at the times of growth, let alone at the time of a severe recession;
• Ireland is now likely to be on a path of permanently lower post-crisis potential GDP/GNP growth, so the cuts in public spending will have to take place no matter what delay in public expenditure adjustment the unions will force onto this Government;
• We are facing the fastest and the longest increase in public debt (ex-Nama) in the OECD over the next 5 years and an additional open ended liability under Nama, both of which make it virtually certain that Ireland will emerge from this crisis as a fully insolvent nation.

Economics 18/07/2009: B-day present

My small Birthday Present to the followers of this blog: I have just published a new post on Public Sector Overpay and Knowledge Economy Wages on the Long Run Economics blog.

Wake up calls for Irish Government

My new article in Business&Finance magazine:

Last week two international reports provided an interesting analysis of Irish policies to date and highlighted some scepticism amongst the international analysts as to the ability of our Government to lead the necessary reforms.

First, caught up in the media feeding frenzy, the IMF Article IV Consultation Paper has raised some serious questions about NAMA. Second, much unnoticed by Irish media, the EU Commission report on public finances in the Euro area have provided an in-depth look at Irish fiscal position relative to our peers.

Let us start with the IMF’s analysis, focusing on the major area of the Fund’s oncerns that received little cover in the media. Our policymakers were quick to present the IMF statement that NAMA can be a break-even proposition for the taxpayers as a major endorsement of the Government plan.

Here is what the IMF report actually did say on the topic: “If well managed, the distressed assets acquired by NAMA could, over time, produce a recovery value to compensate for the initial fiscal outlays.” In other words, the IMF is benchmarking NAMA ‘success’ solely against a possibility for earning zero return on initial public investment. The IMF is simply unconcerned here with the associated costs, such as the cost of bonds financing, NAMA management and the cost of post-NAMA recapitalization of the banks. Yet, these costs are non-trivial from the point of view of expected taxpayers’ losses due to NAMA.

Using the balance sheet model for NAMA developed by Professor Brian Lucey and myself, table below provides estimated discount rates that would achieve break-even for the taxpayers on total costs of creating and operating our bad loans bank.
* All in billion 2009 Euro, assumed inflation: 3% pa, 15-year horizon
** ca 33% of the total value of bonds issued, plus the face value of loans purchased into NAMA
*** Ex-operating cost of €20mln pa (rising at 2% pa from 2010)

Even under optimistic scenarios of 10% impairment on loans, and assuming current cost of financing Irish bonds of 5.9% (consistent with last week’s syndicated bond issue) for 2009-2014, and moderate bond finance costs for 2010-2024, the discount on assets purchased by NAMA required to achieve zero loss on NAMA-associated public outlays ranges between 27% and 50%. Higher impairment charges (12-15%) and/or financing costs raise the required break-even discount above 60%.

In other words, there is no reasonably probable scenario whereby NAMA will end up breaking even on total taxpayers outlays in real terms. Perhaps this is precisely the reason as to why the Government has to date produced not a single estimate for expected costs and returns under NAMA, despite making numerous unfounded claims that it will not result in significant taxpayers losses.

In fact, the IMF report was rather clear in its critical assessment of the Irish authorities lack of proper cost-benefit analysis of this undertaking. “The authorities did not formally produce any estimate for aggregate bank losses. …Staff noted that losses are likely to extend beyond the property-development sector as the economy weakens and the design of NAMA should incorporate that possibility.”

Furthermore, “the debt to be incurred to support the financial sector remains uncertain,” says the IMF. “If the losses suffered by banks are about 20 percent of GDP, as estimated by staff, then bank recapitalization needs could be around 12-15 percent of GDP.” These numbers correspond to the two most extreme scenarios presented above. But the IMF Report also states that in such an eventuality “assets would be acquired against this debt...” Injecting €21-25bn in public funds would do the shareholders in Irish banks will be a de facto nationalization – a scenario consistent with IMF staff estimates, yet denied by the Government.

One day before the IMF report, the 300-pages strong EU Commission paper, titled Public Finances in the EMU, 2009 put forward the picture of Irish Exchequer presiding over the worst performing (fiscally) economy in the entire EU.

The diplomatic Commission said in its report that the scale of the downturn was unexpected by the Irish authorities, “with the end-2007 update of the [Government] stability programme expecting real GDP growth of +3% in 2008, while the Commission services’ interim …forecast estimated growth at -2% in 2008”. Irish “deficit was not considered temporary”, suggesting that the EU Commission disagrees with the Government view that most of our troubles are cyclical.

As per credibility of our Exchequer plans to bring the deficits under control by 2013, Commission said that “the January 2009 addendum to the [Government] stability programme targeted a deficit …below 3% of GDP in 2013, based on yet to be specified consolidation measures. In view of the above, the Commission concluded that the deficit criterion in the Treaty was not fulfilled.” In other words, Brussels does not believe that our plans to reduce the deficit in line with the EU rules by 2013 are credible and, therefore, we are now in a full breach of the EU Treaties.

Just to make it more clear the Commission provides a graphic illustration as to how far off we really are in delivering on the 2013 targets. Like IMF in its report last week, the Commission data shows that whilst the Government has proposed a ca 2.75% of GDP contraction in its deficit in 2009-2010, the required rate of reductions should be more than 3 times greater – at ca 8.5% of GDP.

Using the change in the current level of the structural deficit required to make sure that the discounted value of future structural balances covers the current level of debt as the indicator for long-term sustainability of current Government policies, the Commission puts Ireland in the highest category of fiscal instability risk – one of only two Euro-zone countries (alongside Spain) in the group. At the same time, we came out as the most impaired country in the Euro area in overall assessment of our fiscal position.

The IMF and EU Commission papers do agree on another point. Both state that the start of the fiscal crisis we experience today predates the current crisis by at least 4 years. At the same time, clear downward trend in our fiscal stability was visible, according to the EU Commission back in 2003.

There are some serious discrepancies between the Commission and the Government assessments of the ongoing budgetary consolidation process. According to the Commission spring 2009 forecast, “the deficit is projected to widen further to 12% of GDP in 2009, the highest in the euro area.” The deficit target set out by the Government in April 2009 is 10.75% (up from 6.5% in budgeted for in October 2008). “The projected deterioration of the deficit would take place despite successive consolidation efforts since mid-2008, …with an estimated overall net deficit reducing effect of around 4% of GDP in 2009.” Thus, the EU does not buy into the Department of Finance estimate that the total consolidation to date yields 5% of GDP reduction in the deficit, as table below illustrates.

And in contrast with the Government’s rosy projections of 9% deficit for 2010, the Commission projects the deficit to widen to 15.6% of GDP on a no-policy-change basis. “The difference to the authorities’ target …is mainly due to different projections for the 2009 budgetary outcome and ...the non-inclusion of the indications for the budgetary measures for 2010 presented in the April supplementary budget.” Once again the Commission appears to be sceptical about the willingness of this Government to actually follow through with the targets set out in April.
Thus, in major reports published in one week, two international bodies gave a rather forceful negative assessment of the current Government plans for dealing with the banking and fiscal crises. And yet, the Fitzgaraldo of self-congratulatory remarks from Irish public officials pushes on – ever deeper into the denial of our bleak fiscal reality.


Box-Out:
All last week we have been hearing about the IMF endorsing Irish Government ‘austerity measures’ aimed at bringing under control our runaway train of public spending. Rhetoric aside, real numbers suggest that at least in one area – that of public sector employment – months after setting itself some modest targets for public workforce reductions, the Government is nowhere near delivering the real progress. Chart below, taken from the latest Quarterly Household National Survey data released last week, clearly illustrates the prevalence of past trends in overall employment.
While private economy employment shows catastrophic collapse in total numbers working in industry, construction, wholesale and retail services, basic repairs, accommodation and food services, administrative and support services and professional and technical support services, the same data shows precipitous rise in employment numbers across all three broadly defined public sectors.

Subsequently, the chart below shows an even more disconcerting trend.
In addition to by-now customary steady and precipitous rise in unemployment, we are also experiencing rapid withdrawals from the labour force participation as more and more people are falling into our deep welfare trap or undertake an emigration option. This trend – of collapsing employment and rising unemployment – now poised to threaten our long-term demographic dividend, or the expected higher returns to younger labour force that many of Irish policy makers and analysts close to the Government circles are so keen on referring to in their rosy forecasts.

Well, of course the public sector is rolling in the dough as we are taking a pay cut:

Economics 22/06/2009: Cutting public waste

Weekend papers had some rumors concerning the An Bord Snip Nua's forthcoming report with figures in the range of €4bn being quoted as the overall level of 'savage cuts' to be recommended. I have no specific information as to the exact figure that the body will recommend at this time, but I have expressed serious concerns previously that the An Board's cuts will be short of what is needed to restore balance to public spending.

Current official DfoF estimates put the need for 2010-2011 'cuts' in expenditure at €3bn in current expenditure and €1.75bn in capital expenditure. This, alongside with €2.5bn and €2.1bn in new tax revenue, is expected (by DofF) to deliver the Supplementary (April) Budget 2009 deficit targets. Clearly, these targets alone fully subsume the An Bord Snip's rumored levels of cuts. But wait, DofF's Fremowrk Programme published in April 2009 shows (Table 7) additional cost 'adjustments' of €4bn in 2012 and €3bn in 2013. Thus, the total for 2010-2013 in cost adjustments envisioned by DofF is €11.75bn.

In other words, should An Bord Snip deliver on €4bn in cuts, it will be €7.75bn behind the DofF targets for current spending cuts. If the DofF were to be serious in delivering on its own deficit targets, this means that additional tax measures between 2009 and 2013 will have to add up to the above number, or roughly, €1,800 per person in Ireland. Mad?

Now, let us do the magic for our An Bord Snip folks and look at the levels (not sources of cuts needed). Per Revised Estimates for Public Services 2009, we have:
Following these cuts for 2010, I will freeze spending at 2010 level for 2011 and 2012, generating the following 2010-2013 balance sheet:
Yes, cuts proposed above are savage indeed, but the benefit is that we will be running 7% deficit in 2010, 4% deficit in 2011 and 3% deficit in 2012, while generating €4.1bn, €3.6bn and €3.4bn in stimulus money at the same time. Translated into per-capita terms, we will have €2,636 per every man, woman and child in this country for tax cut between 2010 and 2012.

I guess, An Bord Snip can't be expected to worry about such minor numbers...


And while on the topic of Sunday papers: the report in the Sindo stated that the cornerstone of Brian Lenihan / Alan Ahearne's economic growth forecasts for 2011-2012 is their expectation that 150,000 people will leave Ireland in search of work elsewhere. If the Government and its adviser do indeed have such a 'policy' response in mind, I can chracterise it as:

1. Morally depraved and a sign of their abandoning any democratic and ethical responsibility. If Ireland is a mature democracy, Brian Cowen, as a Prime Minister of this country should immediately ask for both Lenihan's and Ahearne's explanation of the Sindo claim and, if it is confirmed, both should be forced to resign their posts.
2. Economically illiterate. Selection bias will ensure that the 150,000 who will leave will be above average in skills and superior in aptitude. With their departure, Ireland will lose a large number of young, more productive workers who also hold the greatest promise for this economy in the future. Equally damaging will be the fact that once the better skilled and younger workers leave this country, their success abroad will ensure that they will not be easily enticed to return to the Cowen-Lenihan-Coughlan & Ahearne Paradise in the future.

One part of the report in the Sindo - the part that cites senior DofF officials stating that Lenihan's strategy for dealing with this crisis is to tax his way out of fiscal insolvency - is true. I can confirm that my own 'birdie' from the Upper Merrion Street has chirped last Friday that senior Department officials 'are very concerned' that Brian Lenihan and Co are 'only interested in grabbing more tax revenue... with no regard for the effects their new taxes will have in the future' post-crisis. In particular, several tax areas currently under pressure have been mentioned as being the targets of such 'revenue grab': income tax, carbon tax, property tax, and employee PAYE.