20/7/15: Greece clears IMF arrears. Almost broke, again.

Having borrowed EUR7.2bn, Greece promptly settled its arrears with the IMF (EUR1.996 billion at exchange rates of June-July, but closer to EUR2.05bn in current rates), opening up the way to pay on maturing EUR3.492 billion ECB and NCBs funds today.

Have a new credit card? Will travel… for now… but only for now, as with today's payments we have less than EUR2 billion credit line remaining available for the country.

Next stop: see here http://graphics.wsj.com/greece-debt-timeline/.

Meanwhile, banks reopening - overhyped on both sides (by the mainstream media as a non-event (re: no mayhem) and by alternative media as a run-waiting-to-happen (re: mayhem)) - came relatively calmly, as banks remain under severe capital controls, limiting withdrawals to EUR420 per person per week. On top of which, checks are cashed only into bank account (no cash); withdrawals abroad and money transfers abroad are not allowed, even on pre-paid cards; limits placed on use of credit and debit cards abroad; no new savings or deposits accounts can be opened; repayments of loans can only be done in line with scheduled payments (no advanced repayments possible except by using cash or transfers from abroad); only unrestricted payments are for tax purposes, social security or bank liabilities payments, plus payments to hospitals and for education.

Any wonder there were no bank runs today? Ah, sure, who would run on an open bank with no cash in it? A taxman?..

But coming back to those bridge finance funds. The EU is now saying the Bailout 3.0 will take 6-8 weeks to agree and structure. There is EUR3.188 billion worth of ECB maturities coming up in 5 weeks, EUR1.344 billion of IMF loans due in September, and EUR3.8 billion worth of short term bonds maturing before 8 weeks runs out. Which begs a question: where will Greece get the money to cover these liabilities?

17/7/15: Eurogroup tightens screws on Greece: Bridge v MoU

Eurogroup statement on Greece (h/t @FGoria):

Key:

• Bridge finance via EFSM (as rumoured, so no surprise here);
• Bridge finance security cushion via SMP profits being moved to an escrow account (unexpected) clearly to ensure Denmark's and UK agreement to use EFSM. Bad news: SMP profits should be rebated back to Greece to alleviate debt burden, not 'securitised' to increase debt burden;
• Good bit - SMP profits are to be returned to Greece unless used as EFSM bridge loan cushion. So at some point in time, Greeks will get these funds to, presumably, cover a part of bridge finance funding;
• The bit "...he risks of not concluding swiftly the negotiations with the ESM remain fully with Greece" (emphasis mine). This amounts to setting pressure very high on Greek Government to basically accept MoU conditions unaltered, as presented to them and, thus, makes the very idea of 'negotiations' a farce. Given that EFSM cover (bridge) is only for July, at most for first week of August, this statement basically puts Greece on notice: either agree immediately to ESM (Bailout 3.0) conditions or face a loss of SMP funds on top of everything else.

In effect, Eurogroup is driving home the tactical advantages gained by over-extending Bridge loan negotiations into the last minute and from Tsipras' total surrender at July 12-13 meetings. Greece has no where to go, but to ESM at this stage, so my suspicion is that MoU will be tougher than Bailout in Principle position of July 12-13.

15/7/15: Greece is Not Unique in Dissing EU Commitments

In previous two posts, I explored couple of angles on the famous Trust thingy that, allegedly, Greece so massively lacks. But, of course, my comparatives related to the 'peripheral' euro states, mostly Ireland. You can use the same two charts to draw conclusions on comparing Greek performance to other states, but the question still remains: outside the 'periphery' just how much Trust currency is there in circulation in the EU?

Take countries that are not in the group of borrowers from the IMF. There should be plenty of Trust to go around amongst them and the EU. And this means there should be plenty of agreement between their policies and the policies suggested to them by the Commission, especially those aimed at addressing that major burner of Trust - failure to comply with core fiscal criteria.

We can take a snapshot of this 'metric' of Trust by looking at how severely do EU member states deviate in their policies from the Commission prescriptions. This 'metric', after all, is an exact replica of the arguments advanced in the Eurogroup in the context of accusing Greece of wasting EU's trust.

So here is a handy chart, from the EU Commission:

What the above shows is that back in 2013 all of the EU states who were issued with 'country-specific recommendations' concerning their poor fiscal performance opted to ignore these recommendations. That is some Trust, there.

Between 2011-2012 and 2013 the extent of non-compliance did not decline (despite all the talk about austerity and structural reforms), but rose both on average and specifically in 10 out of 14 countries covered by these recommendations. That's some more Trust, right there.

On average, in 2013, some 43% of all EU Commission recommendations were not implemented by the states that are so distinctly Trustworthy from Greece, that Greece was singled out as a special case by the Eurogroup and the Euro Council.

Some of the worst offenders was Germany, and its pal (in berating Greece) Lithuania, plus the usual suspects of Italy and France.

Now, I am not a fan of EU Commission recommendations. But the fact is: Greece is by far not unique in terms of 'reforms' fatigue or lack of engagement with the EU Commission proposals on fiscal adjustments.

15/7/15: Is it Trust or Fiscal Performance? Greece v Excessive Deficit Procedures

As noted in the previous post, that Trustless Greece apparently is a better example of European policies of internal devaluation at work than the best-in-class Ireland. At least by metric of competitiveness.

But what about Fiscal Trust? After all, there is a unifying metric for that one - the European Commission own Excessive Deficit Procedure. And here is a handy table from EU Commission own presentation on the topic:

Yes, yes... a little help. Since 1997 (that is across the Celtic Tiger era boom too), Ireland was on the penalty bench with EU in relation to breaking fiscal rules for 11 years. Greece - also 11 years. One has zero Trust in its EU account. The other has Fort Knox worth of that 'hard' EU currency...

Either the Rule is dodgy or something's fishy in the arithmetic...

15/7/15: Is it Trust or Competitiveness? Greece v Unit Labour Costs

Remember hard currency of Europe - no not the euro - Trust? And remember how Greeks lack that currency because of failed reforms and incomplete adjustments?

Here's a nice chart from the EU Commission itself showing changes in economic competitiveness (the EU fetishised) metric of Unit Labour Costs.

In this, untrustworthy Greece is more competitive in 2013-2015 than the best-in-class Ireland. 

So if the internal devaluations work their magic, as the EU seems to believe, then by this metric, Greece should have been a roaring success story... with a surplus of Trust to spare some for Ireland.

Then, again, the EU won't notice other factors at play in determining GDP growth. The idiosyncratic ones, like, say, corporate tax inversions and 'knowledge development boxes' or (whispering) taxation double-sandwiches for lunch... Because everything is about Trust in Europe...

14/7/15: Ifo Sinn: Euro Agreement Doesn’t Really Help Greece

Ifo's Hans Werner Sinn on Monday Eurogroup and Euro Council agreements:

You can sense his frustration.

I can add that much of what is said above makes sense, although I do not think temporary Grexit is feasible. A normal, EU-facilitated Grexit with no timing terms attached is.

14/7/2015: And the Greek Debt Merry-Go-Round Spins & Spins...

In the latest world of EUlunacy, we have some interesting 'developments' on the Greek crisis front.

First up, this: per Irish Finance Minister Noonan, 'Greesolution' agreed Monday am will have 'no budgetary implications' for Ireland, although Ireland 'will be taking on new liabilities'.

Translated into Human language this means: no official increase in Government deficit, but new debt will be issued by Ireland to fund Greek bailout.

Using ESM key, our share of EUR86 billion bailout will be ca EUR1.41 billion. It might be slightly less or slightly more, depending on a range of factors.

But the point is simple: pre-Monday agreement, Ireland had two choices:

Choice 1: support Greek debt write downs. Which would have cost us the same EUR1.41 billion at most, but would have achieved a reduction in Greek debt. Alternatively, if it was structured via monetary financing (ECB-monetised write down) it could have cost us (and rest of EU) virtually nothing (the cost would have been carried out via ECB simply writing down its own assets and liabilities - a balance sheet exercise).

Choice 2: current agreement-envisioned new loans for Greece - which will require all euro area states chipping in to fund the bailout and thus will require Ireland borrowing funds in the markets, increasing our debt, and giving them as loans (more debt) to the already over-indebted Greece.

Minister Noonan et al opted for Choice 2 but claim there will be no cost to Ireland from doing so (presumably because assuming more debt is costless to the Minister). You judge…

Meanwhile, the FT published this handy graphic explaining where the money borrowed by Ireland et al and given as debt to Greece will be used:

Source: FT

• EUR29.7 billion of cash to be loaned to Greece will go to pay down the money borrowed by Greece under the privies EU lending schemes so that a merry-go-round of European policymaking can spin and spin. 
• EUR25 billion will go to the banks to cover damages done by previous merry-go-round schemes. 
• EUR17.2 billion will pay interest on past and current merry-go-round schemes. 
• EUR7.7 billion will go to the banks to cover potential runs by depositors scared of the merry-go-round schemes. 

In total, all but miserly EUR7 billion of new loans to Greece will go one way or the other to sustain unsustainable old loans.

My brain aches from European leaders' insistence on staying oblivious to the reality, my heart ache for European people forced to sustain this oblivion.

14/7/15: Arrears on IMF & No Samurai Bonds Trigger: Greek Bridge Financing Update

Yesterday, I covered the possible routes to structuring bridge financing for Greece (see this post with today's earlier update). Via WSJ, here is the list of debts coming due over July-August, inclusive of two payments to IMF that are now in arrears (see IMF statement below):

Source: http://graphics.wsj.com/greece-debt-timeline/

And the IMF statement from last night:

A point to note: Greece redeemed the Samurai bonds (Yen 20bn) yesterday. Which, effectively, means it avoided private sector bonds default trigger.

13/7/15: Sit Back and Watch That Eurogroup Unanimity Evaporate

Following the marathon meetings (14 hours-long Eurogroup followed by 17 hours-long Euro Council) the Greek 'deal' was heralded in the media and the markets as some sort of the Great Revelation - a solution to fix all prior non-solutions, a final fixing of the Greek economy and the end to all the endless bailouts of the past.

Of course, cynics noted that solving debt overhang (already officially recognised by the IMF as unsustainable) by issuing more debt may not be a good idea… but cynics are here to be ignored by the Euro optimists who define their own reality.

But never mind all the 'long run' stuff. Five hours into a 'unanimous' Eurogroup decision on Greece, there is neither much of a unanimity, nor much of a decision left.

Eurogroup agreed, amongst other things, that:

• Greece will be - in principle - granted new funding of some EUR82-86 billion. The future is preliminary and will have to be finalised to fully reflect the economic conditions deterioration since January, as well as other factors. In addition to fiscal funding, these money will also be used to recapitalize Greek banks (current running estimate is for EUR10-25 billion in recaps, but the actual amount will not be known until there is a full and 'comprehensive' assessment of the banks books (to be carried out in September-December 2015).
• While nothing is certain about this 'longer term' EUR82-86 billion package, there are immediate needs for funds that Greece has to meet. With today's missed IMF repayment, there's EUR4.934 billion due in the rest of July. There's EUR1.544 billion overdue from June. And there's EUR4.188 billion due in August. Total of EUR6.477 billion is due to the ECB alone. There is no expectation that the 'long term' package will be ready before much of this comes due, so Greece will clearly need a 'bridge financing' arrangement. There is an added 'complication': before ECB can be paid (a default on ECB will trigger a cascade of cross-defaults and a closing of the banks' oxygen line, the ELA), the IMF arrears have to be cleared in full. 

The 'bridge financing' should be a walk in the park, right? After all, there is a unanimous agreement to set new funding for the longer term, and a part of this is the recognition that before such an agreement is struck, there is a unanimous (one assumes) agreement that Greece needs to be helped through the intermediate period.

Unanimity bit

Today, there was a shorter Eurogroup meeting to sort that little bit of 'unanimity' out. And the conclusion was: err… no unanimity and:

1. A new delay in sorting out longer-term financing (from today's morning expectation of 2 weeks to more realistic 4 weeks); and
2. There is no agreement on bridge financing. Worse, per Dijsselbloem: "We looked at the issue of bridge financing because there are urgent needs and this process of finalising an agreement will take time… This is very complex, we looked at a number of possibilities, but there are technical, legal, financial and political issues to consider, so we have tasked an ad-hoc working group of technical experts to look into that".

Finland's Fin Min Alexander Stubb said that "Greek Bridge Financing Still an Open Question. I foresee those negotiations being very difficult because I don't see many countries having a mandate to give money without any conditions." Oops… as they say in Helsinki. Slovakia's Government has stated they oppose any lending to Greece, including both bridge and long term financing. Austria, Estonia, The Netherlands and a number of other countries will need to approve every move via their parliaments. All three been pretty sceptical on 'bridge financing' from July 6th on. Slovenia is set against the bridge funding too.

And then there's Germany - which is, for now, sitting pretty quiet on the topic, but don;t expect an easy push over from Merkel - Schäuble duo. After all, the latter has managed to square off with Mario Draghi on the topic of ECB operations in a nasty exchange yesterday.


Beyond the unanimity bit... logistics

Beyond the unanimity bit, there's a technicality or logistics of structuring the deal… bridge financing is hard to construct, given the Byzantine (actually far worse, by now) European institutions.

There are basically two possible options.

Option 1: Using EFSM bailout fund to loan money to Greece. The option is easier, as it does not require unanimity, but can be passed on the basis of QMV. The fund, however, does not have enough money to finance July-August liabilities due on the Greek side. Reportedly, the EFSM only has EUR11.5 billion available (although some reports put the figure at EUR13.2 billion). And EFSM is no longer an active lender, since it is superseded by another fund, the ESM. Even when the EFSM was operative, it was limited to co-funding bailouts with IMF involvement. IMF is not a party to any bridging loans arrangements, and indeed is not a party to the entire Bailout 3.0 package agreed 'in principal' this am. Added complication: EFSM can be activated by a qualified majority, but a QMV of EU28, not euro area alone. Back in 2011, Britain voted against the use of the EFSM to bail out Greece for a second time.

Option 2: Greece funding itself via issuance of T-bills, selling these to the banks with the banks using ECB ELA to finance these purchases. Which carries two problems with it. One, ECB is yet to hike ELA. Two, T-bills are short term bonds and Greece is constantly rolling over substantial quantity of them in the markets. Issuing more will clearly impair Greek Government ability to secure short term funding. And it will also likely trigger serious discontent within euro area 'core' states - the hawks that 'guard' ECB's prohibition on 'monetary financing'.

Option 3: A combination of Option 2 and bilateral loans. The problems, in addition to Option 2 is that some countries (Finland and Slovakia - explicitly, Germany and the Netherlands, for now implicitly) have ruled out participating in the scheme. Which makes such lending a tough sell for other member states. Italy stated already that it will only supply bilateral loans if all other euro area states do so.

Option 4: Using SMP profits accumulated at the ECB and in the national central banks from Greek bonds coupon payments to lend to Greece from ECB to repay ECB and IMF loans. Problem here is that 2014 profits still retained amount to EUR1.9 billion, while 2015 profits yet to be paid amount to 1.4 billion. Clearly not enough to close the gap.


Update 14/7/2015: FT blog on the Eurogroup technical paper outlining options for Greek bridge financing is here: http://www.ft.com/intl/fastft/359551

13/7/15: A Promise of a Deal = An Actual Surrender

So we finally have a 'historic' agreement on Greece. You know the details:

1. Tsipras surrendered on everything, except one thing.
2. One thing Tsipras 'won' is that the assets fund (to hold Greek Government assets in an escrow for Institutions to claim in case of default) will be based in Greece (as opposed to Luxembourg), managed still by Troika (it remains to be seen under which law).
3. IMF is in and is expected to have a new agreement with Greece past March 2016 when the current one runs out. So not a lollipop for Tsipras to bring home.
4. All conditionalities are front-loaded to precede the bailout funding and Wednesday deadline for passing these into law is confirmed. 

Bloomberg summed it up perfectly in this headline: EU Demands Complete Capitulation From Tsipras.

Remember,  Tsipras went into the last round of negotiations with the following demands:

Source: @Tom_Nuttall

And that was after he surrendered on Vat, Islands, pensions, corporation tax - all red line items for him during the referendum.

Reality of the outcome turned out to be actually worse. 

The new 'deal' involves a large quantum of debt (EUR86 billion, well in excess of Greek Government request from the ESM) and the banks bailout funding requirement has just been hiked from EUR10-25 billion to 'up to EUR50 billion', presumably to allow for some reductions in ELA. 

The new 'deal' only promises to examine debt sustainability issue. There are no writedowns, although Angela Merkel did mention that the plan does not rule out possible maturities extensions and repayment grace period extensions. This, simply, is unlikely to be enough.

The 'deal' still requires approval of the national parliaments. Which can be tricky. Here is the table of ESM capital subscriptions by funding nation:

Tsipras also lost on all fronts when it comes to privatisations. In fact, even if the future Government lags on these, the EU can now effectively cease control over the assets in the fund and sell these / monetise to the fund itself. Not sure as per modalities of this, but...

Detailed privatisation targets are to be re-set. Let's hope they will be somewhat more realistic (home hardly justified in the context of the new 'deal'):

To achieve this, EU had to literally blackmail Tsipras by rumour and demands:

Source: @TheStalwart

Source: @Frances_Coppola

And so the road to the can kicking (not even resolution) is still arduous:

 Source: @katie_martin_fxs

My view: the crisis has not gone away for three reasons:

1. Short-term, we are likely to see new elections in Greece prior to the end of 2015;
2. We are also likely to see more disagreements between the euro states and Greece on modalities of the programme; and
3. Crucially, over the medium term, the new 'deal' is simply not addressing the key problem - debt sustainability. 

For the fifth year in a row, EU opts for kicking the same can down the same road. 

12/7/15: Instead of Abating, Greek Crisis Just Accelerated

Per latest reports, Eurogroup estimates Greek funding needs at EUR82-86 billion - a far cry from EUR53.5 billion requested from ESM. EUR10-25 billion needed for banking sector (because bailing out European states must always involve bailing out banks).

In order to continue funding discussions, Greece is required to pass the following 12 measures before Wednesday:

Source: @eurocrat 

The list is at best - silly:

• Measures 1-3, and 6 are effectively MOU for a bailout, but without an actual bailout commitments;
• Measures 4,  7-9, and 11 require significant time to properly draft, let alone implement;
• Measure 12 is senile - no one has ejected Institutions from Athens (they don't require a visa to travel there);
• Measures 5 and 10 are pro-forma.

Can anyone seriously expect any Government addressing the issues of banks recapitalisation and recovery, plus the issue of non-performing loans within a span of 3 days?

Besides all of this, the key point is that the 12 measures outlined effectively fully and comprehensively pushes Greece into worse adjustments package than anything put forward prior to the Greek referendum. And all this achieves is... brings Greece back comes Wednesday to face more negotiations over additional measures. 

Below are the four pages of key document from the Eurogroup

Source: @giopank

Alternative link to same: http://www.real.gr/DefaultArthro.aspx?page=arthro&id=432281&catID=22

Items that were not agreed upon are in the brackets. These include: nominal debt haircuts.

There is also a proposed escrow 'company' to hold EUR50 billion of Greek assets as collateral (titles to state properties) in Luxembourg (which is neither enforceable, nor serious). 

In simple terms, Greek choice is now stark and simple: accept complete control over the economy and assets from Brussels/Frankfurt or 'temporary' Grexit for 5 years with possible haircuts to debt. Germany et al just accelerated the crisis... next move: Greece.

11/7/15: Harder Default for Greece, Less Democracy for All

My article on the Greek crisis for Irish Independent: impossible mathematics of debt and the political trilemma of sacrificed democracies: http://www.independent.ie/opinion/comment/expect-a-harder-default-for-greeks-and-less-democracy-for-the-rest-of-us-31368677.html

10/7/15: New Greek Proposals: Can + Foot ≠ Real Solution

Greek Government proposal to the EU on Bailout package 3.0 have been published here: http://www.naftemporiki.gr/finance/story/976680/the-greek-reform-proposals.

Quick read through suggests the following:

• These proposals are pretty much in line with June 26th proposals that were subsequently rejected by the 'No' vote in the Greek referendum;
• The 'new' proposals appear to be a complete climb down from the Greek Government counter-proposals on key areas of VAT, pensions and islands measures;
• One key strategic point is that the new proposal accepts fully 'prior actions' principle of putting in place legislative backing for key early measures ahead of any bailout funds disbursal;
• The 'new' proposals submitted to Institutions contain no reference to debt sustainability and debt relief, although it appears that a preamble to the document in Greek version does mention debt relief.  There are reports also that Greek proposals sent to the Parliament contain reference to the EU commitment to 'negotiate with Greece on the issue of debt sustainability post-2022'. Which, if true, is a dead giveaway, as no one will honour any commitments on such a time scale and absent any specific conditions on debt sustainability. 2022 is the year chosen because it is when EFSF repayments start. Most expensive debt to carry for Greece - IMF and ECB - is off limits for any restructuring under this timeline;
• Crucially, the new proposal does not address in full how Greek banks ELA will be covered, and how the arrears to IMF will be covered. Neither does it explain how July 2015 debt repayments will be financed. This, jointly, means that the EUR53.5 billion request for new loans is not sufficient. The Institutions, most likely, will ask for a deposits bail-in. 
• The only differences to the 'old' Institutions' proposals include: smaller cut in defence budget (EUR200mln instead of EUR400mln), slower phasing out of the islands reduced VAT rates (throughout 2016) and slower phasing out of the EKAS supplement on pensions.
• Greek proposals contain a sub-clause of defined actions that will kick in automatically if fiscal targets are not met in the future. These include hikes on income tax for those earning EUR12,000 (2 percentage points to 35%).
• Materially, the new 'proposal' involves EUR53.5 billion in new loans via ESM (ex-IMF): http://bigstory.ap.org/article/0743c14d12d34ea38d1043b5dbcdfba5/latest-eu-economics-chief-says-greece-deal-possible. IMF porgramme runs through April 2016 and, presumably, Bailout 3.0 is going to happen via ESM alone. Which is a net negative for Greece, since it will lose its only support on debt writedown side.

These are the details so far.

My view is that this proposal will probably be acceptable to the EU, which will close its eyes on two glaringly obvious things:

1. The proposal from the EU on which this current Greek counter proposal is based was based on assumptions and estimates that are at least 3 weeks old, and for some figures - older. Economic and fiscal losses since then have been significant and most likely remain un-covered by the current Greek proposal. These losses will not be terminated immediately post-agreement, so the Greeks have a much more serious problem on their hands.

2. Most importantly, the Greek proposal does nothing to address the existent debt overhang - the one that the IMF believes cannot be addressed via enhanced 'reforms' and increased 'austerity' and requires debt haircuts. 

However, I suspect that since avoiding Grexit is now clearly Greek Government priority, and since doing the same always was and remains the EU priority, both sides will ignore the discomforts of reality. In this case, under the Bailout 3.0, Greek debt will rise (once again), Greek economy will get a negative shock of higher taxation (corporate, personal and indirect), and a large number of Greek voters will get a strong sense of having been cheated out of their 'No' votes. And then there is the risk of looming deposits bail-ins...

This can kicking will not last long...

8/7/15: Latest Round of Greece Talks: Smoke, Fire, Grexit

Summit / Eurogroup takeaways:

1. No progress of any variety beyond the usual agreement to have more talks
2. Short term deal 'weighing in' for Sunday is rumoured - effectively a bridge loan based on Greek acceptance of pre-referendum proposals. One of proposals involved a 3-4 months long bridge financing deal (Bailout 2.1) followed by 3-4 year deal (Bailout 3.0). This was rejected by Finland.
3. Any 'possible' new deal being discussed is 2-3 years in duration - a can kicking of weak variety, in other words.
4. No haircuts on debt will be allowed.
5. Sunday - full EU heads summit (not euro alone), which indicates something serious brewing - at least in terms of applying pressure on Tsipras. Also, possible Grexit push. Summit can be 'avoided' if Greece presents an acceptable plan on Thursday. Decision to be finalised on Saturday.
6. Overall, Bailout 3.0 package of measures is now being pushed out to tougher conditionality for Greece than in previous talks.
7. Juncker stated that the EU Commission has prepared a detailed Grexit plan, inclusive of humanitarian aid. Juncker plan also includes balance of payments support scheme for non-euro states with big exposures to Greek banks: Bulgaria, Romania. Big questions are also about Macedonia and Serbia.
8. At least in theory (detailed theory per Juncker) we have the end of 'irreversibility' of the euro (for now - at single state level).
9. IMF is back in the Troika 'Institutions' pairing.
10. No parallel currency discussions - left to Finance Ministers discussions.

My take: Overall, Greek position is now nearly toast. Contrary to many expectations, a No vote did not produce a stronger playing hand for Greece. Possibly because Tsipras failed to deliver any new proposals. Sunday EU Council would be required for a treaty change. This implies two possibilities: haircuts (ruled out) or Grexit. We are leaning toward Grexit, heavily.

The acceleration in Eurogroup and council demands on Greece suggests that prior to the Referendum there was already a strong consensus that Grexit is the preferred direction for further talks.


Serious sidelines:

Italy position is optimistic on the deal, but no debt relief in sight. Still remains hard-line on Greece.

Merkel takes harder stance than anyone else: strikes down bridge agreement: "Bridge financing didn't play any role in our talks tonight." Stance on conditions: "The proposals we are expecting now encompass what we put forward for second programme plus more for third programme." Haircuts: "A haircut is not up for debate. That is a bailout under the treaties and that will not happen." Merkel isn't even keen on discussing ESM programme resumption. Tougher thing still: "The situation has become much worse. I have to take 3rd programme proposals to Bundestag - hence need detail." Which means serious hurdles to cover here.

France is the lead in Greek side support and Hollande is not impressed: "It is true that if there were no agreement, the situation would be serious. Other options would have to be sought."

Spain's Rajoy "New Greek programme will have conditions attached. Will have to be approved by institutions, then Eurogroup, then leaders". Meaningless, surprisingly.

Donald Tusk: "Our inability to find an agreement may lead to the insolvency of Greece and the bankruptcy of its banking system". Says the Greek government is to present its proposals by Thursday, July 9. Juncker put deadline at 8:30 am Friday, July 10. So lots of confusion.

Finland: ruled out Bailout 3.0 for Greece on any terms.

Belgium: Finance Minister Van Overtveldt: "very disappointed" by today's Eurogroup meeting. New Greek Finance Minister made "very good explanation" of situation, but "had no new proposals to show us". "I had the strong impression that everybody really feels the sense of urgency, except the Greek government." His boss: Belgian PM Michel: has “more and more difficulty to understand the logic of Tsipras. On the one hand he says 'we want to stay in the eurozone'. On the other hand, he's not taking any initiative, zero, nothing, to stay in the eurozone.”

Lastly - a link worth reading: http://www.capx.co/the-eurocrats-are-punishing-greece-to-scare-other-countries/

7/6/15: Greece Needs a Structured Euro Exit: Sinn

As the saying goes... can't have a Greece drama without Target 2 drama... Hans Werner Sinn on Greek referendum results:

In simple terms: make Grexit. As this stage int the game, I agree - facilitated (using European financial and investment supports) exit by Greece from the euro area is the optimal resolution path to the crisis.

The arguments about new costs are irrelevant: Greek debts are currently unrepayable and will not be made good by any structural reforms. In fact, the debts are holding back the effectiveness of such reforms and will likely wipe out all and any benefits of devaluation that can be gained from conversion into drachma. Whether Greece remains in the euro area or exits, either path will require a write-down of more than 30% of Greek Government debt (my estimate - at least EUR125 billion, in line with recent IMF estimate, although my estimation is higher, since the IMF assessment was prepared prior to the Greek economy deteriorating further and the country fiscal position weakening beyond April 2015 assessments) and some additional assistance (in form of investment funds from the EU) to the tune of EUR20-30 billion over 3 years.

The write-downs should be carried out via ECB and monetised as a part of the ECB QE (wiping out the losses) so the only new call on EU funds will be investment funding. Drachma return will have to be used to carry out immediate fiscal adjustment (so there will be plenty of pain and reforms on that front).

Chart below (source: Open Europe) shows the breakdown of Greek debt by holding:

Ex-IMF official sector holdings are at 68%. IMF should, by all possible metrics, take a bath too, but it won't, so the 9% of the total liabilities held by the IMF is not at play. Banks can take a haircut, but that will require recaps (Greek banks) and/or is utterly immaterial in quantum of debt held (1% for Foreign Banks). Other bonds above are predominantly short-term stuff that can be haircut. No matter how you spin the numbers - Eurozone holdings will have to be cut by more than a half.

5/7/15: Votes are in... What's next for Greece?

With over 75% of votes counted in the Greek referendum, 61.6% of the votes counted are in favour of 'No'.

So what's next? Or rather, what can [we speculate] the 'next' might be?

Possible outcome: Grexit

• This can take place either as a part of an agreement between Greece and Institutions (unlikely, but structurally less painful, and accompanied by debt writedowns, a default or both), or
• It can take place 'uncooperatively' - with Greece simply monetising itself using new currency (more likely than cooperative Grexit, highly disruptive to all parties involved and accompanied, most likely, by a unilateral/disorderly default on ECB debt, IMF debt, EFSF debt and Samurai debt. Short term default on T-bills also possible).

Either form of Grexit will be painful, disruptive and nasty, with any positive outcome heavily conditional on post-Grexit policies (in other words, major reforms). The latter is highly unlikely with present Government in place and in general, given Greek modern history.

Grexit - especially disorderly - would likely follow a collapse of the early efforts to get the EU and Greece back to the negotiating table. Such a collapse would take place, most likely, under the strain of political pressures on EU players to play intransigence in the wake of what is clearly a very defiant Greek stance toward the EU 'Institutions' of Troika. 

Key to avoiding a disorderly / unilateral Grexit will be the IMF's ability to get European members of the Troika to re-engage. This will be tricky, as IMF very clearly staked its own negotiating corner last week by publicly identifying its red-line position in favour of debt relief and massive loans package restructuring. The EU 'Institutions' are clearly in the different camp here.

EU Institutions will most likely offer the same deal as pre-referendum. Greece will be 'compelled' to accept it by a threat of ELA withdrawal, but, given the size of the Syriza post-referendum mandate, such position will not be acceptable to Greece.  In the short run, ECB can allow ELA lift to facilitate transition to new currency, but such a move would be difficult to structure (ELA mandate is restrictive) and will result in more debt being accumulated by the Greek government that - at the very least - will have to guarantee this increase.

Problem with Grexit, however, is that we have no legal mechanism for this, implying that we might need a host of new measures to be prepared and passed across the EU to effect this.

Which brings us to another scenario: Status Quo

In this scenario - no player moves. We have a temporary stalemate. Greece will be cut off from ELA and within a week will need to monetise itself with new currency. 

Why? Because July 10th there is a T-bill maturing, default on which would trigger a cascade of defaults. Then on July 13th there is another IMF tranche maturing (EUR451 million with interest). Non-payment of either will likely force EFSF to trigger a default clause. Day after, Samurai bonds mature (Yen 20bn) - default here would trigger private sector default. More T-bills come up at July 17th and following that interest on private bonds also comes up on July 19th (EUR225 million). And then we have July 20th - ECB's EUR3.9 billion due, with additional EUR25mln on EIB bonds. Non-payment here will nearly certainly trigger EFSF cross-default.

Most likely scenario here would be parallel currency to cover internal bills due, while using euro reserves and receipts to fund external liabilities. Problem is - as parallel currency enters circulation, receipts in euro will fall off precipitously, leading inevitably to a full Grexit and a massive bail-in of depositors prior to that. Political fallout will be nasty.

Most likely outcome is, therefore, a New Deal

This will suit all parties concerned, but would have been more likely if Greece voted 'Yes' and then crashed the current Government. This is clearly not happening and the mandate for Syriza is now huge. Massive, in fact. 

So there will have to be a climb-down for the EU sides of the Troika. Most likely climb-down will be a short-term bridge loan to Greece (release of IMF tranche is currently impossible) and allowing use of EFSF funds for general debt redemptions purposes. 

The New Deal will also involve climb-down by the Greek government, which will, in my view, be forthcoming shortly after Tuesday, especially if ECB does not loosen ELA noose. 

Bad news is that even if EU side of Troika wants to engage with Greece, such an engagement will probably require approval of German (and others') parliament. Which will require time and can risk breaking up already fragile consensus within the EU. In fact, only consensus building tendency in the wake of today's vote is for a hard stand against Greece. Even in an emergency, EU is very slow to act on developing new 'bailouts' - in Cypriot case it took almost a year to get a deal going. For Portugal - almost 1.5 months. Urgency is on Greek side right now, not EU's, so anyone's guess is as good as mine as to how long it will take for a new deal to emerge.

That said, short-term approach under the status quo scenario above might work, as long as:

1. Greece engages actively, signalling willingness to deal;
2. Greece does not monetise directly via new currency (IOUs will do in the short run); 
3. IMF puts serious pressure on Europe (unlikely); 
4. ECB plays the required tune and keeps ELA going (somewhat likely); and
5. There is no fracturing of the EU consensus (if there is, all bets are off).

In a rather possible scenario, EU does opt for a new deal with Greece, which will likely involve pretty much the same conditions as before, but will rely on removing IMF out of the equation altogether. In this case, EUR28.7 billion odd of Greek debt held by the IMF gets transferred to ESM. The same will apply to ECB's EUR19 billion of Greek debt. The result will be to cut Greek interest costs (carrot), and involve stricter conditionality and cross-default clauses (stick). Euro area 'Institutions' therefore will end up holding ca 73% of all Greek debt in that case. Terms restructuring (maturities extension) can further bring down Greek costs in the short run. 

The negative side of this is that such a restructuring & transfer will be challenged in Germany and Finland, and also possibly in the Netherlands. 

It is. perhaps, feasible, that a new deal can involve conversion of some liabilities held by the euro area institutions into growth-linked bonds (I am surprised this was refused to start with) and/or a direct conditional commitment (written into a new deal) to future writedowns of debt subject to targets on fiscal performance and reforms being met (again, same surprise here). Still, both measures will be opposed by Germany and other 'core' economies. 

Either way, two things are certain: One: there will be pain for Greece and Europe; and Two: there will be lots of uncertainty in coming weeks.

As a reminder of where that pain will fall (outside Greece):
Source: @Schuldensuehner 

4/7/15: Timeline for Greece and Some Anchoring

Greece timeline for the weekend:

Greece has missed the IMF and ECB payments this week with both non-payments having potential for triggering a mother of all defaults for Greece: the ESM/EFSF loans call-in (EUR145bn worth of debt).

The EFSF/ESM decision so far has been to 'ignore' the arrears, noting that non-payment to IMF qualifies as "an event of default":

"The Board of Directors of the European Financial Stability Facility (EFSF) decided today to opt for a Reservation of Rights on EFSF loans to Greece, after the non-payment of Greece to the International Monetary Fund (IMF). Following the IMF Managing Director's notification of the IMF Executive Board, this non-payment results in an Event of Default by Greece, according to EFSF financial agreements with Greece."

Greece owes the EFSF EUR109.1bn in "Master Financial Assistance Facility Agreement" loans, plus EUR5.5bn in "Bond Interest Facility Agreement" loans and EUR30bn more in "Private Sector Involvement Facility Agreement" loans.

For now, EFSF decided not to call in loans, preferring to wait for Sunday vote outcome. Per EFSF statement: "In line with a recommendation by the EFSF's CEO Klaus Regling, the EFSF Board of Directors decided not to request immediate repayment of its loans nor to waive its right to action – the other two possible options. By issuing a Reservation of Rights, the EFSF keeps all its options open as a creditor as events in Greece evolve. The situation will be continuously monitored and the EFSF will consider its position regularly."

A 'No' vote in the Sunday referendum can change that overnight.

This adds pressure on Greece to pass a 'Yes' vote - a pressure that is most publicly crystallised in the form of ECB refusal to lift ELA to Greek banks. Athens imposition of capital controls (limiting severely cash withdrawals from the banks) has meant that the current level of ELA (CHART below) is still sufficient to hold the bank run, but the ELA cushion remaining in Greek banks was estimated at EUR500mln at the start of this week. Even with capital controls in place, this would have dwindled to around EUR250-300mln by the week end.

Again, a 'No' vote in the referendum risks crashing Greek banks as ECB will be unlikely to lift ELA any more. In an indirect sign of this, the ECB appears to be setting up swap lines and euro credit lines for EU member states outside the euro area. For example, as reported by Bloomberg, "European Central Bank is set to extend a backstop facility to Bulgaria and is ready to assist other nations in the region to ward off contagion from Greece, according to people familiar with the situation". Such a move is a clear precautionary measure to put into place firewalls around Greek system.

Meanwhile, here is a report suggesting that Greek banks are preparing for an aggressive bail-in of deposits in the case of a 'No' vote (assuming ELA cut off):

The Government denied the reports of preparations of bail-ins, and continues to insist that the banks will reopen on Tuesday, a day after the referendum results are published, but it is hard to imagine how this can be done (unless the banks start trading in drachma) without ECB hiking ELA, and it is even harder to imagine how ECB can hike ELA in current conditions.

Source: TheodoreZ

So far, public opinion polls in Greece show very tight vote for Sunday. The latest GPO poll has the "Yes" vote at 44.1% and "No" at 43.7%. Alco poll puts the “Yes” figure at 41.7% against 41.1% for “No”. All together, four opinion polls published yesterday put the 'Yes' vote marginally ahead, another poll fifth put the 'No' camp 0.5 percent in front. All polls results were well within the margin of error. At the same time, majority of polls also show Greeks favouring remaining in the euro by a roughly 75 percent margin.

REFERENDUM TIMELINE
Sunday 5th July:
Polls open – 0500BST/0000EDT
Polls close – 1700BST/1200EDT

First exit poll – Shortly after 1700BST/1200EDT

~20% of votes counted – 1900BST/1300EDT
~50% of votes counted – 2100BST/1600EDT
~70% of votes counted – 2200BST/1700EDT (markets open)
~90% of votes counted – 0000BST/1900EDT

Timeline source: Trading Signal Labs

The build up of tension ahead of the Sunday poll has been immense. Even international bodies are being convulsed by the potential for a 'No' vote. So much so, that, as reported by a number of media outlets, there was a major cat fight between European members of the IMF and other IMF board members.

As reported by Reuters at Wednesday board meeting of the IMF, European members of the board attempted to block IMF from publishing its analysis of debt sustainability for Greece.

Quoting from the report: ""It wasn't an easy decision," an IMF source involved in the debate over publication said. "We are not living in an ivory tower here. But the EU has to understand that not everything can be decided based on their own imperatives." The board had considered all arguments, including the risk that the document would be politicized, but the prevailing view was that all the evidence and figures should be laid out transparently before the referendum. "Facts are stubborn. You can't hide the facts because they may be exploited," the IMF source said."

If only European members of the IMF Board were as concerned with the reality of the Greek crisis on the ground as they are concerned with the appearances and public disclosures of that reality.

A neat reminder of how bad things are in Greece today, via @RBS_Economics

Source: @RBS_Economics

As numbers tell, Greece has posted one of the worst collapses in economy for any advanced economy since 1870, fourth worst for periods outside WW1 and WW2.


So what to expect?

• In the event of a 'Yes' we are likely to see a significant bounce in the markets from the current levels, with euro strengthening on the news in the short run. But real re-pricing will only take place when there is more clarity on post-referendum bailout agreement. The key risk to that outlook is that a 'Yes' vote can trigger early elections - which will (1) extend the current mess for at least another 1-2 months, and (2) put new sources of uncertainty forward - as outcome of such elections will be highly unpredictable. I do not expect the EU to re-start new deal negotiations until after the elections, which means that there will be mounting, not abating pressures on the Greek voters to vote in 'the right' Government, acceptable to the Troika.
• In the event of a 'No' we are likely to see serious run on the markets in Greece and some 'peripheral' states, especially Italy. Greek capital controls will have to be stepped up significantly. Euro is likely to weaken in the short run, especially if ECB aggressively moves to monetise risks via both accelerated QE purchases and lending to non-euro banks.

Beyond these two possible scenarios, everything else is in the realm of wild speculation.

3/7/15: Add ECB to IMF and Greek arrears can get ugly...

Ah, remember Brodsky's "Urania is old than sister Clio" bit? Well, not in finance. Apparently, or allegedly, as reported in press, Greece is now in arrears (err... default, or not or whatever) not only on IMF, but also on ECB. See this.

Which relates to 1993 loans, last repayment of which was due in June this year and amounted to EUR470mln. And which were not paid.

The gyrations of Greek and Troika positions are out of the league of the ordinary.

We had a threat to take EU to court over threats of forcing Grexit (see here). Which is quite bizarre (on the EU side), given the Institutions have already said that the very subject of the referendum is non-sensical as no deal exists to carry out referendum over (see here), though such statements did not preclude the EU leaders from calling for a 'Yes' vote in the referendum (see here).

And the EU and some internal Greek concerns about constitutionality of the Greek referendum (see here).

In simple terms, we have a mash of contradictions: a referendum that has no grounds in terms of its outcome is nonetheless of questionable constitutionality, though the voters should vote 'yes' regardless, because, presumably, an outcome that is not an outcome is preferred to a different outcome that is not a outcome... [someone should stop spinning the world around us]...

We also have IMF that was forced (by a leak) to release its (preliminary - aka... "we say so, but we don't say so") analysis of Greek debt sustainability (see simplified version here and full version from the source here). Surprise, surprise... those of us not paid lavish salaries by the IMF turned out to be right: Greek debt sustainability thesis is nonsense, a pipe dream made up of flour, feathers and water...

Meanwhile, the ECB - not to be outdone by the fellow jostlers or jousters - is entering a probabilistic game of guessing Greek banks solvency (condition for accessing ELA is solvency of the banks, which, until today was a concept of 0=insolvent, 1=solvent and is now 0.1%=solvent 49.9%='something of sorts' and the rest... err... well, we await holding our breath for a technical paper from the ECB staff on that one) on the basis of referendum outcome (see here).

Next turn will be for the EU or may be ESM/EFSF as ECB (rumoured above) default trigger for EFSF default is "Very Likely" and can only be 'corrected' for via a new deal agreement (see here).

Have fun deciphering the torrent of news, views and leaks that the Greek crisis has unleashed. In the mean time, the only conclusive statement to be made is that we are in a situation where headless chickens are trying to round up legless lambs... all performed in a quicksand pit...

29/6/15: Greek Options & Default Contagion Mapping

Couple of interesting charts on Greece.

First up: what are the options?

Source: @MxSba

Interestingly Greece already has capital controls, but yet to miss (officially) and IMF payment. Now, even if there is a deal, Greece will still have to go into the arrears on IMF, unless they found that proverbial granny's couch from which they can squirrel away few bob (EUR1.6 billion that is). We also have an already scheduled referendum. Which, according to the chart is a dead-end. Which it is, because its outcome is either rejecting a non-valid deal or accepting a non-valid deal. Though, presumably, the non-valid deal can be revalidated by the Troika (Institutions) in a jiffy.

In short, the chart above doesn't help much.

Now, a default trigger table and a map:

Source: both via @jsphctrl

Non-payment to IMF can trigger (though does not have to) default on EFSF and holdout private sector bonds (pre 2004). Default on T-bills (short term bonds) triggers privately held bonds excluding holdouts and new bonds. Everything else is fairly simple. Now, per table above, we are in the 'Publicly Acknowledged' blue-shaded area (any delay on payment will be known at this stage and avoiding a public declaration will be hard, if not impossible, especially given political stalemate).

• Non-payment to IMF triggers default on EFSF, and likely to trigger default on bilateral EU loans.
• Non-payment of EFSF loans triggers nothing with any certainty.
• The worst contagion is from PSI bonds default. 

Special note to CDS triggers: basically, bigger risks are from SMP (ECB) bonds, PSI (private) bonds, and post-PSI (private) bonds. EU loans and holdouts from PSI bonds are dodos. 

Enjoy playing with the above...

29/6/15: Greece & Grexit: In Europe, what the bank does, the kings say

Couple of interesting items on on Greek crisis:

Bloomberg prints an exercise in extrapolating Greek devaluation to Mexico peso crisis. It is an interesting exercise in so far as it does indicate (imperfectly) one side of the 'pain coin' currently spinning in the air. But it does not provide for any realistic comparatives to the other side of the same coin: the side of Greece not opting out of the euro area. Suppose the estimated path in the Bloomberg chart is correct and Greece, exiting the euro does face a devaluation 'bill' of some 300 percent-odd. As Bloomberg article says, there will be pain. Huge pain. Now, suppose Greece does not opt for direct devaluation. Then what? Then - exactly the same adjustment will have to happen via internal devaluation. Absent inflation (of any significance) in the euro area (and even given the ECB target inflation), this means all of this adjustment will be carried by Greek people. Except, with devaluation and exit, Greece will still retain internal markets for adjustment: with reforms (not guaranteed by any means), and with some pain taken on the side of capital / funding, it might ameliorate the period of post-default devaluation (the 'jump' stage in the chart below). Staying in the euro clearly implies zero adjustment on capital side, with all adjustment on households' side (employment, earnings, pensions etc). In addition, staying with euro implies no imports substitution (no price effects), exiting implies devaluation-driven imports substitution. Finally, staying with the euro implies no exports boost from devalued currency.

Source: Bloomberg

So the Bloomberg exercise is fine and interesting, but one-sided ad extremum.

Which rounds us to the latest news from the ECB. With Greeks requesting EUR6 billion increase in ELA and ECB rejecting it, Reuters reports a comment from a source on the situation:

"Commenting on the expected extension of existing emergency funding, one person said: "It doesn't make sense to stop it now. The banks are not able to pay it back anyway. So if you froze it for another two or three days, it wouldn't make any difference."" Except, of course, it does make perfect sense: if the ECB were to extend ELA, there would not have been capital controls (note: I am not suggesting the ECB should have done so - that's a different matter). However, without ECB support for ELA uplift, we have capital controls. Which sends a clear message from Frankfurt to Greek voters: this is what you will have to live with if you go against us. 

And this neatly dovetails with what Jean Claude Juncker said to the Greek voters earlier: "You should say ‘yes’ regardless of what the question is.” 

Because whether Reuters wants it or not, in Europe, what the bank does, the banks' kings say.