3/8/17: The tale of Irish tax receipts tails

My article for the Sunday Business Post  on the latest trend in the Irish Exchequer receipts and how it stacks up against Budget 2018 prospects for tax cuts. Link here: https://www.businesspost.ie/opinion/not-much-powder-left-honeymoon-budget-2018-394678.

3/8/17: BRIC Services PMI: July

Having covered BRIC Manufacturing PMIs in the previous post (http://trueeconomics.blogspot.com/2017/08/3817-bric-manufacturing-pmis-july.html), here is the analysis of the Services Sector PMIs.

Brazil Services PMI continued trending below 50.0 mark for the third month in a row, hitting 48.8 in July, after reaching 47.4 in June. While the rate of contraction in the sector slowed down, it remains statistically significant. This puts an end to the hope for a recovery in the sector, with Brazil Services PMIs now posting only two above-50 (nominal, one statistically) readings since October 2014.

Russian Services PMI also moderated in July, although the reading remains statistically above 50.0. July reading of 52.6 signals slower growth than 55.5 reading in June. The Services sector PMIs are now 18 months above 50.0 marker, continuing to confirm relatively sustained and robust (compared to Manufacturing sector) expansion.

China Services PMI remained in the statistical doldrums, posting 51.5 in July gayer 51.6 in June. The indicator has never reached below 50.0 in nominal terms in its history, so 51.5 reading is statistically not significant, given PMIs volatility and positive skew. Overall, this is second consecutive month of PMIs falling below statical significance marker, implying ongoing weakness in the Services economy in China.

India’s Services PMIs followed Manufacturing sector indicator and tanked in July, hitting 45.9 (sharp contraction), having previous posted statistically significant reading for expansion at 53.1 in June. Volatility in India’s Services indicator is striking.

Table and chart below summarise short term movements:

Looking at quarterly comparatives, July was a poor month for Brazil Services sector, with July reading of 48.8 coming in weaker than already poor 49.0 indicator for 2Q 2017. In Brazil’s case, current recession in Services is now reaching into 12th consecutive quarter in nominal terms and into 15ht consecutive quarter in statistical terms. Russia Services PMI also moderated at the start of 3Q 2017 (52.6 in July) having posted average 2Q 2017 PMI of 56.0. Russia Services sector expansion is now into its 6th consecutive quarter (statistically) and seventh consecutive quarter nominally. The same, albeit less pronounced, trend is also evident in China (July PMI at 51.5 against 2Q 2017 PMI of 52.0). India Services PMI was under water in 4Q 2016, followed by weak (zero statistically) growth in 1Q 2017 and somewhat stronger growth in 2Q 2017. The start of 3Q 2017 has been marked by a sharp, statistically significant negative growth signal.

With Global Services PMI hitting 53.7 in July, against 53.8 average for 2Q 2017 and 53.6 average in 1Q 2017, BRIC economies overall are severely underperforming global growth conditions (BRIC Services PMI is now below Global Services PMI in 3 quarters running and this trend is confirmed at the start of 3Q 2017).

3/8/17: BRIC Manufacturing PMIs: July

BRIC PMIs for July 2017 are out, so here are the headline numbers and some analysis. 

Top level summary of monthly readings for BRIC Manufacturing PMIs is provided in the Table below:

Of interest here are:

• Changes in Brazil Manufacturing PMI signalled weakening in the economy in June that was sustained into July. Manufacturing PMI for Brazil has now fallen from 52.0 in May to 50.5 in June and to 50.0 in July. This suggests that any recovery momentum was short lived. 
• Russian Manufacturing PMI, meanwhile, powered up to 52.7 in July from 50.3 in June, rising to the highest level in 6 months. Good news: Russian manufacturing sector has now posted above-50 nominal readings in 12 consecutive months. Less bright news: Russian Manufacturing PMIs have signalled weak rate of recovery in 5 months to July and July reading was not quite as impressive as for the period of November 2016 - January 2017. Nonetheless, if confirmed in August-September, slight acceleration in Manufacturing sector can provide upward support for the economy in 3Q 2017, support that will be critical as to whether the economy will meet Government expectations for ~2% full year economic expansion.
• Chinese manufacturing PMI gained slightly in July (51.1) compared to weak May (49.6) and June (504.), but growth remains weak. Last time Chinese Manufacturing posted PMI statistically above 50.0 (zero growth) marker was January 2013. This flies in the face of official growth figures coming from China.
• India’s Manufacturing PMI fell off the cliff in July (47.9) compered to already weak growth recorded in June (50.9). Over the last 3 months, India’s Manufacturing sector has gone from weak growth, to statistically zero growth to an outright contraction.

Overall, GDP-weighted BRIC Manufacturing PMI stood at extremely weak 50.4 in July 2017, down from equally weak 50.6 in 2Q 2017. In both periods, BRIC Manufacturing sector grossly underperformed Global Manufacturing PMI dynamics (52.7 in July and 52.6 in 2Q 2017). Russia is the only country in the BRIC group with Manufacturing PMI matching Global Manufacturing PMI performance in July. Russian Manufacturing PMI was below Global Manufacturing PMI in 2Q 2017.

Net outrun: BRIC Manufacturing sector currently acts as a drag on global manufacturing growth, with both India and Brazil providing momentum to the downside for the BRIC Manufacturing PMIs.

2/8/17: Role of Clusters in empowering Human Capital: GCTV

My comment to GCTV on the importance of clusters in creating support base for human capital: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=2_bAPXMqw_M.

28/7/17: 1H Marker: Russia on Track to a Weak Recovery in 2017

A quick top level update on the Russian economy from Bofit and Fitch Ratings.

Fitch Ratings today: “The recovery in Russia continues to gain traction. Domestic demand is responding to greater confidence in the economic policy framework, particularly as the inflation-targeting regime becomes entrenched. Activity in Turkey has bounced back rapidly from the coup attempt, with growth hitting 5% yoy in 1Q17. Momentum was supported by government incentives, including temporary fiscal measures and a jump in the Treasury commitment to the fund that backs lending to SMEs.”

Chart from BOFIT confirms the above:

Overall, the recovery is still on track, and remains gradual at best, posing elevated risks of reversals. For example, industrial output, having previously posted gains in January-May 2017, contracted in June 2017 on a quarterly basis. Still, industrial output was up 2% in 1H 2017 y/y.  Despite the U.S. and European sanctions, and generally adverse trends in the commodities sectors, mineral extraction sector expanded 3% y/y in 1H 2017 according to BOFIT. Oil output was up 2% and gas output was up 13%. The above figures imply that higher value added manufacturing posted sub-1% y/y growth in 1H 2017.

Agricultural production was basically flat - due, in part, to poor weather conditions, rising only 0.2% y/y in 1H 2017 and unlikely to post significant growth for FY2017 as crops reports are coming in relatively weak. That said, 2015-2016 saw record crops and very strong growth in agricultural output, so barring a major decline this year, agricultural sector activity will remain robust. Food production sector was the fourth highest growth sector over 2013- 1H 2017 period across the entire Russian economy, rising cumulative 17%  in 1H 2017 compared to 1H 2013 in real (inflation-adjusted) terms.

Construction sector posted a robust 4-5 percent expansion in 1H 2017 compered to 1H 2016, a rather positive sign of improving investment.

Pharmaceuticals (+36%), plastics (+25%), Chemical industry (+22%), paper industry (+19%) were the main sectors of positive growth over 2013-2017 period, according to data compiled by Rossstat.

Really good news is that household demand is now recovering. Retail sales by volume were up ca 1% y/y on a seasonally-adjusted basis and real disposable household income rose from the cycle lows to the levels last seen in May-June 2016. Bad news is that with income growth slower than retail sales and even slower than actual household consumption (which grew faster than domestic retail sales due to accelerating purchases abroad), Russian households are dipping into savings and credit to fund consumption increases.

We shall wait until July 2017 PMI figures come out over the next few days to see more current trends in the Russian economy, but overall all signs point to a moderate 1H and 3Q (ongoing) expansion in the economy, consistent with 1.2-1.3% real growth. The Economy Ministry recently reiterated its view that Russian GDP will expand at more than 2% rate in 2017. Achieving this will clearly require a large and accelerated cut in the Central Bank rate from current 9% to below 8%. Even with this, it is hard to see how above-2% growth can be achieved.

Agricultural and food production are quite significant variable in the growth equation. In 2016, Russia became number one exporter of wheat in the world, with annual production tipping 120 million tons - historical record. Bad weather conditions in 2017 mean that current expected output is estimated at around 17% below 2016 levels. Russia consumes 70 percent of its wheat output internally, so cuts to exports are likely to be on the magnitude of 1/2 or more in 2017. Domestically, food prices inflation is rising this year, threatening overall Central Bank target and putting pressure on CBR to stay out of cutting the key policy rate. Inflation rose in June to 4.4% - moderate by historical standards, but above 4% CBR target.

28/7/17: Risk, Uncertainty and Markets

I have warned about the asymmetric relationship between markets volatility and leverage inherent in lower volatility targeting strategies, such as risk-parity, CTAs, etc for some years now, including in 2015 posting for GoldCore (here: http://www.goldcore.com/us/gold-blog/goldcore-quarterly-review-by-dr-constantin-gurdgiev/). And recently, JPMorgan research came out with a more dire warning:

This is apt and timely, especially because volatility (implied - VIX, realized - actual bi-directional or semi-var based) and uncertainty (implied metrics and tail events frequencies) have been traveling in the opposite direction  for some time.

Which means (1) increasing (trend) uncertainty is coinciding with decreasing implied risks perceptions in the markets.

Meanwhile, markets indices are co-trending with uncertainty:

Which means (2) increasing markets valuations are underpricing uncertainty, while focusing on decreasing risk perceptions.

In other words, both barrels of the proverbial gun are now loaded, when it comes to anyone exposed to leverage.

28/7/17: Long term U.S. growth trend is still weak: 2Q 2017 Update

U.S. GDP growth estimate for 2Q 2017 came in at 2.6%, matching the post-1948 trend for expansionary periods almost to the notch. The problem, however, is that the trend is ... declining over time.

Here's the kickers to today's cheerful media reports on U.S. growth:

1. Current expansion period average growth remains the shallowest amongst all post-recession recoveries since the end of WW2. That's right: the miracle of this Great Recovery is how weak it has been, despite all the Fed efforts.
2. Current 4 quarters average for growth is 2.4%, which is only 0.2 percentage points above the overall recovery period average. Or, put differently, even before the revisions to 2Q 2017 numbers, last four quarters of growth have been un-inspiring. 
3. The trend for historical growth during expansion periods has been sloping down since around the end of the 1980s. And we are, currently, still on that trend. In other words, recoveries are continuing to trend more anaemic over time.

So keep telling yourself that everything is coming out 'on expectations'. Just don't think about the pesky fact that expectations are trending lower.

27/7/17: U.S. labor markets are not in rude health, yet

As we keep hearing about the wonders of the U.S. labor markets, there is an uneasy feeling that the analysts extolling the virtues of the Great Non-recovery are bending the facts. Yes, unemployment is down significantly, and, finally, in recent months the participation rate started to climb up, although it remains depressed by historical norms. But these are not the only metrics of jobs creation or employment. Much overlooked are other figures, that paint a much less pleasant picture.

So with this in mind, lets update some of my old charts relating to the side of the labor markets than majority of analysts have forgotten to mention.

First up: average duration of unemployment. In other words, a measure of how long it takes for a person to get back into the job.

Good news is: the decline in duration of unemployment continues.  Better news: we are well past the crisis-period peak. Bad news: duration is at around 2009 levels, so not even at the levels pre-crisis. Worse news: current duration is higher than that recorded at the peak of any other recession in modern history. That's right: with miraculous recovery, we have folks collecting longer unemployment benefits than at the peak of any previous recession.

That was in absolute terms. Now, let's look at how we are performing relative to each pre-recession expansion:

Again, good news: the horror show of the peak during the height of the Great Recession is gone now. But, again, bad news: we are still at the levels of relative duration comparable to 15 months into the Great Recession. And, again, the worst news: after 108 months of 'recovery' we are much worse off in terms of duration performance than in any other post-recessionary recovery since 1948.

But what about employment, you might ask? Aren't U.S. companies generating huge numbers of jobs that are being filled by the American workers? Err... ok...

No. Employment is not performing well. Current cycle (from the start of the Great Recession through today) is long. But it is also extremely shallow when it comes to employment. So shallow, that it marks the worst long cycle in history (per above chart) and, when compared to shorter cycles, ... again, the worst cycle in history. 1953 cycle was bad - sharper jobs destruction than current, but it ended faster and on a higher employment index level than the current one.

So no, things are not fine in the U.S. labor markets. Not by the measures which are harder to game than standard unemployment stats.

27/7/17: Designing a More Equitable System of School Access

In the decades old battle for the future minds, U.S. Republicans and Democrats have been constantly at odds when it comes to how one achieves, simultaneously, higher quality of education and more equitable access to education for those from less well-off families. In the mean time, one country - Chile - has been building up a system of vouchers that, after 36 years worth of experimentations, is delivering on both.

In 2008, Chile introduced a massive reform of its 27-years-old system of education vouchers by passing the Preferential School Subsidy Law (SEP). The system of education funding in Chile is based on universal school voucher payments, but until 2008, the system did not target explicitly those on lower incomes. Then, SEP changed this set up by hiking the value of the voucher by 50 percent for a large category of so-called “Priority students”, a category that primarily covers students “whose family incomes fell within the bottom 40 percent of the national distribution”.

A recent NBER study looked at the results (see full citation and link below).

Specifically, SEP reform stipulated that “to be eligible to accept the higher-valued vouchers from these students, schools were required to waive fees for Priority students and to participate in an accountability system.”

The study used data on math scores attained by “1,631,841 Chilean 4th-grade students who attended one of 8,588 schools during the year 2005 through 2012” and asked the following two questions:

• “Did student test scores increase and income-based score gaps become smaller during the five years after the passage of SEP?” and
• “Did SEP contribute to increases in student test scores and, if so, through what mechanisms?”

The study found that:

1. “On average, student test scores increased markedly and income-based gaps in those scores declined by one-third in the five years after the passage of SEP.” So the effects were in desired direction for all students (improving outcomes) and stronger effect for targeted students (the Priority Students). Better result for all, more equitable result for those in most need.
2. “The combination of increased support of schools and accountability was the critical mechanism through which the implementation of SEP increased student scores, especially in schools serving high concentrations of low-income students.” So poor performance of less well-off schools improved more than the performance of better-off schools. Again, better result for all, more equitable result for those in most need.
3. Another important aspect of the study was to identify whether the new vouchers triggered a massive redistribution of better-performing poorer students away from less well-off school. In other words, whether the scheme reform benefited predominantly more those students from the less privileged background who would have gained otherwise. The authors found that “migration of low-income students from public schools to private voucher schools played a small role.”

So you can design a market-based solution for education system funding that does preserve schools choice, enhances educational outcomes for all, and reduces educational inequality.

Full citation: Murnane, Richard J. and Waldman, Marcus and Willett, John B. and Bos, Maria Soledad and Vegas, Emiliana, The Consequences of Educational Voucher Reform in Chile (June 2017). NBER Working Paper No. w23550. Available at SSRN: https://ssrn.com/abstract=2996306

27/7/17: The Gen-Lost is still lost...

Today, Marketwatch reported on a research note from Spencer Hill of Goldman Sachs Research claiming that the young workers cohorts in the U.S. have now caught up in terms of employment with older workers' cohorts.

Sadly, the argument is based on highly flawed analysis. The core data presented in support of this thesis is the unemployment rate, as shown in the chart below:

But official unemployment figures mask massive decline in younger cohorts' labor force participation rates, as evidence in this chart from Peterson Institute for International Economics:

In simple terms, when you reduce your employment base by moving people into 'out of workforce' category, you lower unemployment rate.  This is supported by other research, e.g. as reported here: http://trueeconomics.blogspot.com/2017/07/27717-work-or-play-snowflakes-or.html. Skewed, against the Millennials, workplace conditions are also to be blamed: http://www.epi.org/blog/young-workers-face-a-tougher-labor-market-even-as-the-economy-inches-towards-full-employment/. or as highlighted in these data:

Source: https://www.frbatlanta.org/chcs/labor-market-distributions.aspx?panel=1

So, no, beyond superficially deflated official unemployment metric, there is no evidence of the labor force conditions recovery for the younger workers. The Generation Lost is still lost. And that is before we consider the life cycle effects of the crisis.

27/7/17: Work or Play: Snowflakes or Millennials?

Snowflakes or Millennials? Flaky or serious? Careless or full of determination? Attitudes or aptitudes? Well, here’s an interesting study on the younger generation.

“Younger men, ages 21 to 30, exhibited a larger decline in work hours over the last fifteen years than older men or women.” In other words, average hours of labour supplied have fallen for the younger males more than for the older cohorts of workers. Which can be a matter of labour demand (external to workers’ choice) or supply (internal to workers’ choice).

One recent NBER study (see below) claims that “since 2004, time-use data show that younger men distinctly shifted their leisure to video gaming and other recreational computer activities.”

So we have two facts running simultaneously. What about a connection between the two?

“We propose a framework to answer whether improved leisure technology played a role in reducing younger men's labor supply. The starting point is a leisure demand system that parallels that often estimated for consumption expenditures. We show that total leisure demand is especially sensitive to innovations in leisure luxuries, that is, activities that display a disproportionate response to changes in total leisure time.” Economics mumbo jumbo aside, the authors “estimate that gaming/recreational computer use is distinctly a leisure luxury for younger men. Moreover, we calculate that innovations to gaming/recreational computing since 2004 explain on the order of half the increase in leisure for younger men, and predict a decline in market hours of 1.5 to 3.0 percent, which is 38 and 79 percent of the differential decline relative to older men.”

Some data from the study:

So it looks like this data suggests that attitude beats aptitude, and choices we make about our recreational activities do cramp our decisions how much time to devote to paid work.


Full citation: Aguiar, Mark and Bils, Mark and Charles, Kerwin Kofi and Hurst, Erik, Leisure Luxuries and the Labor Supply of Young Men (June 2017). NBER Working Paper No. w23552. Available at SSRN: https://ssrn.com/abstract=2996308.

26/7/17: Credit booms, busts and the real costs of debt bubbles

A new BIS Working Paper (No 645) titled “Accounting for debt service: the painful legacy of credit booms” by Mathias Drehmann, Mikael Juselius and Anton Korinek (June 2017 http://www.bis.org/publ/work645.pdf) provides a very detailed analysis of the impact of new borrowing by households on future debt service costs and, via the latter, on the economy at large, including the probability of future debt crises.

According to the top level findings: “When taking on new debt, borrowers increase their spending power in the present but commit to a pre-specified future path of debt service, consisting of interest payments and amortizations. In the presence of long-term debt, keeping track of debt service explains why credit-related expansions are systematically followed by downturns several years later.” In other words, quite naturally, taking on debt today triggers repayments that peak with some time in the future. The growth, peaking and subsequent decline in debt service costs (repayments) triggers a real economic response (reducing future savings, consumption, investment, etc). In other words, with a lag of a few years, current debt take up leads to real economic consequences.

The authors proceed to describe the “lead-lag relationship between new borrowing and debt service” to establish “empirically that it provides a systematic transmission channel whereby credit expansions lead to future output losses and higher probability of financial crisis.”

How bad are the real effects of debt?

From theoretical point of view, “when new borrowing is auto-correlated [or put simply, when today’s new debt uptake is correlated positively with future debt levels] and debt is long term - features that are present in the real world - we demonstrate two systematic lead-lag relationships”:

• “debt service peaks at a well-specified interval after the peak in new borrowing. The lag increases both in the maturity of debt and the degree of auto-correlation of new borrowing. The reason is that debt service is a function of the stock of debt outstanding, which continues to grow even after the peak in new borrowing.” It is worth noting a well-known fact that in some forms of debt, minimum required repayment levels of debt servicing (contractual provisions in, say, credit cards debt) is associated with automatically increasing debt levels into the future.

• “net cash flows from lenders to borrowers reach their maximum before the peak in new borrowing and turn negative before the end of the credit boom, since the positive cash flow from new borrowing is increasingly offset by the negative cash flows from rising debt service.”

Using a panel of 17 countries from 1980 to 2015, the paper “empirically confirm the dynamic patterns identified in the accounting framework… We show that new borrowing is strongly auto-correlated over an interval of six years. It is also positively correlated with future debt service over the following ten years. In the data, peaks in debt service occur on average four years after peaks in new borrowing.” In other words, credit booms have negative legacy some 16 years past the peak of new debt uptake, so if we go back to the origins of the Global Financial Crisis, European household debts new uptake peaked at around 2008, while for the U.S. that marker was around 2007. The credit bust, therefore, should run sometime into 2022-2023. In Japan’s case, peak household new debt uptake was back in around 1988-1989, with adverse effects of that credit boom now into their 27 years duration.

When it comes to assessing the implications of credit booms for the real economy, the authors establish three key findings:

1) “…new household borrowing has a clear positive impact, and its counterpart, debt service, a significantly negative impact on output growth, both
of which last for several years. Together with the lead-lag relationship between new borrowing and debt service this implies that credit booms have a significantly positive output effect in the short run, which reverses and turns into a significantly negative output effect in the medium run, at a horizon of five to seven years.”

2) “…we demonstrate that most of the negative medium-run output effects of new borrowing in the data are driven by predictable future debt service effects.” The authors note that these results are in line with well-established literature on negative impact of credit / debt overhangs, including “the negative medium-run effect of new borrowing on growth is documented e.g. by Mian and Sufi (2014), Mian et al. (2013, 2017) and Lombardi et al. (2016). Claessens et al. (2012), Jorda et al. (2013), and Krishnamurthy and Muir (2016) document a link between credit booms and deeper recessions.” In other words, contrary to popular view that ‘debt doesn’t matter’, debt does matter and has severe and long term costs.

3) “…we also show that debt service is the main channel through which new borrowing affects the probability of financial crises. Consistent with a recent literature that has documented that debt growth is an early warning indicator for financial crises, we find that new borrowing increases the likelihood of financial crises in the medium run. Debt service, on the other hand, negatively affects the likelihood of crises in the short turn.”

In fact, increases in probability of the future crisis are “nearly fully” accounted for by “the negative effects of the future debt service generated by an increase in new borrowing”.

The findings are “robust to the inclusion of range of control variables as well as changes in sample and specification. Our baseline regressions control for interest rates and wealth effects. The results do not change when we control for additional macro factors, including credit spreads, productivity, net worth, lending standards, banking sector provisions and GDP forecasts, nor when we consider sub-samples of the data, e.g. a sample leaving out the Great Recession, or allow for time fixed effects. And despite at most 35 years of data, the relationships even hold at the country level.”

So we can cut the usual arguments that “this time” or “in this place” things will be different. Credit booms are costly, painful and long term.