Showing posts with label Irish economic policy. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Irish economic policy. Show all posts

Tuesday, June 30, 2009

Economics 30/06/2009: Growth Collapse, Balance of Payments, Travel tax; Public earnings

Above figure shows that our GDP/GNP growth continued to deteriorate dramatically in Q1 2009, with GDP shrinking a whooping 8.5% at constant prices and GNP falling 12%.
Consumer spending in volume terms was 9.1% lower in Q1 2009 compared with the
same period of the previous year. Capital investment, in constant prices, declined by 34.1% in Q1
2009 compared with Q1 2008. Net Exports in constant prices were €2,814mln higher in Q1 2009 compared with Q1 2008.

The volume of output of Industry (incl. Construction) decreased by 10.5% in Q1 2009 compared with Q1 2008. Within this the output of the Construction sector fell by 31.4%, output of Distribution, Transport and Communications was down 10.9% while Output of Other Services was 3.5% lower in Q1 2009 compared with the same period of last year.
Note declines in GVA above - we are not getting any better on value extraction either, with exception of 'other services' sector...

Domestic activity simply collapsed, as evidenced by the expanding GDP/GNP gap. More taxes, please, Mr Cowen!



Today's Fáilte Ireland May traffic figures confirmed the accelerating nature of collapse in air passenger traffic. In May, traffic fell by 15%, following a 10% decline of the first four months to April. Since the Government’s €10 tax was introduced on April 1st, the rate of traffic decline and tourism collapse has accelerated. The most significant fall was in arrivals to Ireland (down 19%). See Balance of Payments figures below for more details. Since the beginning of 2009, Belgian, Dutch, Greek and Spanish governments have all scrapped tourist taxes and/or reduced airport charges to zero. In contrast, our pack of policy idiots in the Leinster House decided that taxing tourists is just fine, as, apparently, they believe that Germans, Italians, Spaniards, Chinese, Americans and other nationals have no choice but travel to this global epicenter of cultural life and history that is Ireland. Time to call for an encore, Mr Lenihan.


Per CSO release today, the gross external debt of all resident sectors (i.e. general government, the monetary authority, financial and non-financial corporations and households) at the end of Q1 2009 stood at €1,693bn, an increase of €32bn on Q4 2008. The increase arose from a combination of exchange rate effects and the availability of new data.
Per CSO, "the liabilities - mostly loans - of monetary financial institutions (i.e. credit institutions and money market funds) amounted to €723bn. This was €56bn lower than for end-December and, at 43% of the total debt, was a smaller share than in the previous quarter. The decrease was due to a large reduction in debt liabilities, particularly short-term loans, and is to an extent reflected by an increase of over €50bn in Monetary Authority liabilities to the European System of Central Banks (ESCB) including balances in the TARGET 2 settlement system of the ESCB." General Government liabilities increased to €60bn driven by long-term bond issues more than offsetting a reduction in short-term money market instrument issues.

In other words - all's grand in the ZanuFF land: the banks are getting better and the taxpayers are getting deeper into debt.


And if debt figures are not bad enough, here are the latest Balance of Payments data - courtesy also of CSO release today: "The Balance of Payments current account deficit for Q1 2009 was €2,530m, over €1.6bn lower than that of €4,175m for the same period in 2008". Sounds good? Not really.

Due mainly to much lower imports:
  • Q1 merchandise surplus of €8,020m was over €3.7bn higher yoy;
  • The invisibles deficit increased by almost €2.1bn to €10,550m;
  • Services (€2,180m) and income (€7,586m) deficits were both about €1bn higher.
  • Total service exports at €16,050m dropped €360m largely due to insurance and financial services.
  • Service imports at €18,230m were up over €600m due mainly to higher royalties/licences and miscellaneous business services.
  • Tourism and travel receipts (€640m) and expenditure abroad (€1,324m) were down.
  • The higher income deficit results largely from reduced profits and interest earnings by Irish-owned businesses abroad (€1,808m) along with increased outflows of profits and interest from foreign-owned enterprises in Ireland (€8,631m).
  • Interest outflows on Government External Debt also increased.
  • In the financial account, Irish (mostly IFSC) residents redeemed €40bn of foreign portfolio assets and repaid €27.8bn of portfolio liabilities.
  • Inward direct investment was low at €794m and was similar to outflow.
Not too good for an exporting nation? You bet.


Of course, reasoned our seasoned policy morons, we simply have no alternative to raising taxes everywhere, for the public sector wages must be paid at an increasing rate. Never mind recession and Government promises to cut the public sector excess fat - if anyone had any mistaken beliefs that this Government is serious about tackling our state of public sector insolvency, hold your hope no longer. CSO figures for public sector employment and earnings released yesterday show once again that Brian Cowen is hellbent on robbing the ordinary taxpayers to pay for public sector cronies' privilege to earn lavish wages and perks. Public sector wages rose 3.4% yoy last month and public sector employment was up 1,000. So let's tax and borrow our way to pay public sector wages and pensions, should we? Irish Economic Model (as opposed to a real economic model) at last.

Friday, June 26, 2009

Economics 26/06/2009: EU growth, Planning Permissions & QNHS

Eurocoin is out again and it is time to update our forecasts for Euroarea growth. First a note - Eurocoin have revised their past numbers in line with new methodology.
Note that above I use upper range forecast for July Eurocoin of -0.52 and implied GDP growth forecast of -2.1% for Q2 2009. Lower range forecast for the indicator is -0.91 and for GDP growth of -2.5%. Thus, I see an even chance of renewed deterioration in growth conditions in the Euroarea into mid Summer.


CSO Planning Permissions data Q1 2009: planning permissions were granted for 14,177 dwelling units, compared with 18,582 units for the same period in 2008, a decrease of 23.7%. Planning Permissions were granted for 10,256 houses in Q1 2009 and 13,301 a year earlier, a decrease of 22.9%. Planning permissions were granted for 3,921 apartment units,
compared with 5,281 units for the same period in 2008, down 25.8%. One-off houses accounted for 19.3% of all new dwelling units granted planning permission in this quarter. The total number of planning permissions granted for all developments was 7,486. This compares with 11,055 in Q1 2008, a decrease of 32.3%. Total floor area planned was 3,419 thousand sq. metres in Q1 2009. Of this, 61.1% was for new dwellings, 25.4% for other new constructions and 13.4% for extensions. The total floor area planned decreased by 24.3% in comparison with the same quarter of 2008.

Illustrated:
Total annual permissions are down, Q1 permissions trending down as well, especially for dwellings.Total floor area down, but by less.
As average floor area per unit is rising along established trends - delivering value for money is tighter markets?The trend for better quality and smaller quantity is evident, which should improve performance for better builders, but pressure the profit margins. One area of concern is that the authorities are not granting higher density permissions, implying that per existent acre of site, cost of building is up, further reducing margins.
Track homes are not exactly popular, while
one-off houses are even less so. That said - square footage is also rising for one-off dwellings as, presumably, rural Ireland decided to spread out in the recession (those CAP payments are still rolling in?).
No such luck for apartments buyers, but they do have some nicer square footage to go by, as sales stagnated and developers need more goodies for money to close on new units. We can expect Ken 'The Merciless' MacDonald to start writing lengthy articles telling us that NOW IS THE TIME TO BUY one of his apartments, as RETURN OF CAPITAL APPRECIATION IS IMMINENT... Beware of the merchant...


Quarterly National Household Survey was out earlier in the week.

In Q1 2009 there were 1,965,600 persons in employment, an annual decrease of 158,500 or 7.5%. This compares with an annual decrease in employment of 3.9% in Q4 2008 and growth of 1.7% in the year to Q1 2008. There was an annual decrease of 122,200 or 10.2% in the number of men in employment, while the number of women in employment decreased by 36,300 or 3.9%.

The overall employment rate among persons aged 15-64 fell to 63.2%, down from 68.4% in Q1 2008. This brings the employment rate back to a level comparable to that recorded in Q1 1999, thus erasing all the demographic and migration benefits accruing to Ireland in the last 10 years.

Full-time employment decreased by 176,200 over the year, part-time employment increased by 17,700, with 14,700 of the increase attributable to males and 2,900 to females. Recalling that even before the current crisis Ireland was creating predominantly part-time jobs, we are now facing seriously adverse quality of employment conditions in the country.

There were 222,800 persons unemployed in Q1 2009, an increase of 113,400 (+103.7%) in the year. Male unemployment increased by 85,300 (+116.7%), with the number of unemployed females increasing by 28,200 (+77.7%). The seasonally adjusted unemployment rate increased from 8.1% to 10.2% over the quarter and from 4.9% over the year - the highest level since 1997. Seasonally adjusted, the male and female unemployment rates stood at 12.5% and 7.0% respectively. The long-term unemployment rate was 2.2% in Q1 2009 compared to a rate of 1.3% in Q1 2008.

Now, some illustrations:
Employment is folding everywhere, except for personal protection services. wait another few months and a new emergency rip-off Budget, and guarding our unpopular Government will be the boom sector...
Average hours worked down, short-term work up, contractors work down. And in more details:
Bad employment up, good employment down. But public sector is not feeling the heat:

Regionally - all the subsidies to waste, the same black spots of unemployment remain:Border, Midlands, Mid-West and South-East are all bad performers in unemployment terms in the boom days of 2007. Ditto today. A new entry - casualty of the downturn - is the West. Doubtless, there will be calls for new tax on Dublin to pay welfare rolls wages out in our Gateways to Excellence Regions... But look at participation rates:
Collapsing across the state. Note Border and Midlands - dramatic fold down in participation rates - driven by, most likely an exodus of younger workers from Dublin and other areas' construction sites... No wonder I heard Midlands referred to as our Little Poland (Lithuania, etc).

And finally - my favourite topic - demographic dividend...
Note that as of Q1 2009, unemployment rate among 15-19 yo males was 33%! We are indeed wasting our young to protect job security of our public sector middle-aged and elderly...

Sunday, June 21, 2009

Economics 22/06/2009: Cutting public waste

Weekend papers had some rumors concerning the An Bord Snip Nua's forthcoming report with figures in the range of €4bn being quoted as the overall level of 'savage cuts' to be recommended. I have no specific information as to the exact figure that the body will recommend at this time, but I have expressed serious concerns previously that the An Board's cuts will be short of what is needed to restore balance to public spending.

Current official DfoF estimates put the need for 2010-2011 'cuts' in expenditure at €3bn in current expenditure and €1.75bn in capital expenditure. This, alongside with €2.5bn and €2.1bn in new tax revenue, is expected (by DofF) to deliver the Supplementary (April) Budget 2009 deficit targets. Clearly, these targets alone fully subsume the An Bord Snip's rumored levels of cuts. But wait, DofF's Fremowrk Programme published in April 2009 shows (Table 7) additional cost 'adjustments' of €4bn in 2012 and €3bn in 2013. Thus, the total for 2010-2013 in cost adjustments envisioned by DofF is €11.75bn.

In other words, should An Bord Snip deliver on €4bn in cuts, it will be €7.75bn behind the DofF targets for current spending cuts. If the DofF were to be serious in delivering on its own deficit targets, this means that additional tax measures between 2009 and 2013 will have to add up to the above number, or roughly, €1,800 per person in Ireland. Mad?

Now, let us do the magic for our An Bord Snip folks and look at the levels (not sources of cuts needed). Per Revised Estimates for Public Services 2009, we have:
Following these cuts for 2010, I will freeze spending at 2010 level for 2011 and 2012, generating the following 2010-2013 balance sheet:
Yes, cuts proposed above are savage indeed, but the benefit is that we will be running 7% deficit in 2010, 4% deficit in 2011 and 3% deficit in 2012, while generating €4.1bn, €3.6bn and €3.4bn in stimulus money at the same time. Translated into per-capita terms, we will have €2,636 per every man, woman and child in this country for tax cut between 2010 and 2012.

I guess, An Bord Snip can't be expected to worry about such minor numbers...


And while on the topic of Sunday papers: the report in the Sindo stated that the cornerstone of Brian Lenihan / Alan Ahearne's economic growth forecasts for 2011-2012 is their expectation that 150,000 people will leave Ireland in search of work elsewhere. If the Government and its adviser do indeed have such a 'policy' response in mind, I can chracterise it as:
  1. Morally depraved and a sign of their abandoning any democratic and ethical responsibility. If Ireland is a mature democracy, Brian Cowen, as a Prime Minister of this country should immediately ask for both Lenihan's and Ahearne's explanation of the Sindo claim and, if it is confirmed, both should be forced to resign their posts.
  2. Economically illiterate. Selection bias will ensure that the 150,000 who will leave will be above average in skills and superior in aptitude. With their departure, Ireland will lose a large number of young, more productive workers who also hold the greatest promise for this economy in the future. Equally damaging will be the fact that once the better skilled and younger workers leave this country, their success abroad will ensure that they will not be easily enticed to return to the Cowen-Lenihan-Coughlan & Ahearne Paradise in the future.
One part of the report in the Sindo - the part that cites senior DofF officials stating that Lenihan's strategy for dealing with this crisis is to tax his way out of fiscal insolvency - is true. I can confirm that my own 'birdie' from the Upper Merrion Street has chirped last Friday that senior Department officials 'are very concerned' that Brian Lenihan and Co are 'only interested in grabbing more tax revenue... with no regard for the effects their new taxes will have in the future' post-crisis. In particular, several tax areas currently under pressure have been mentioned as being the targets of such 'revenue grab': income tax, carbon tax, property tax, and employee PAYE.

Friday, June 5, 2009

Economics 05/06/2009: PMI, Live Register & Why Brian Cowen is simply wrong on economy

So things are getting better, say Comrade ‘Surreal Economist’ Cowen. Translated into human language (any human language short of North Korean) this really means that we have a terrible crisis that is getting worse at a decreasing (for now) rate. What do I mean?


Exchequer returns were bad, but they were not worse than in April. Hmmm – it only took thousands of families drowned in fresh taxes to get us this far. And add to it a ‘slowdown’ in the rate of growth in expenditure. Mr Cowen calls this ‘the right policy that is supported by the majority of economists and the ESRI’. About the only part of this assessment that I would agree with is the one which separates ESRI from economists – being a nearly purely state-paid ‘group-think tank’, ESRI is not about economics, it is about kissing the… you know what.


Back to the ‘greening’ shoots of this week… Irish PMI figures came in with a slowdown in the rate of decline… same as with the Exchequer results… again – things are not getting better, they are getting worse, but worse at a slower pace. Now, services sectors in Ireland, per PMI, shrank for the consecutive 16th month in May, as NCB’s PMI rose from 32.2 in April to 39.5 in May. If this is a glimmer of hope, it is a smile from the bottom of the ocean. Future expectations are up to 50.8 in May, which is good news, when compared to the reading of 46.6 in April, but what this means exactly, given that we are heading into summer doldrums is highly unclear. One brighter star at the bottom of the barrel was Technology, Media & Telecos (TMT) – most upbeat of all sectors. Apparently, contraction is over in the sector, per May data. I am sceptical here, since this sector just got a boost from political advertising spend, and it has contracted at an extremely fast pace in December 2008-February 2009. Furthermore, most of the spend for the TMT sector for 2009 has already been allocated, so the contraction might have overshot the target before, with a slight bounce to the low flat trend expected about now.


Manufacturing PMI came virtually with the same results as services PMI, delivering a rise to 39.4 in May from 36.1. In other words – still no expansion, or 16 straight months of contraction. Export component of PMI rose, but remains below expansion reading. “With the domestic economy so weak, look for the new export orders component of the PMI to breach the 50 mark before the headline PMI will follow suit”, NCB’s Brian Devine told The Guardian. I agree. So where does this leaves Mr Cowen’s ‘right’ policies? Oh, not far from the proverbial ‘hole’. If Mr Cowen’s policies were right, we should not be expecting our economy to be rescued by exports or in other words, if our policies were to work, they would have positive effect on domestic economy. Instead, Mr Cowen is now positioning himself to claim completely undue credit for any upturn in the global economy… after having spent last 10 months blaming the world for Irish economic troubles.


Going forward, my expectation is for a flat trend for both PMI reports with some volatility in months to come. Autumn 2009 can potentially yield another round of relatively shallow (compared to 2008) contractions, especially in services.


The real issue from now on will be what can we do with an army of unemployed, bankrupt families that is amassing in the country and how can we get out of the hole that Mr Cowen and his predecessor have forced us into.


Today’s Live Register data does not provide much of hope that the task will be easy. In May there was another 13,500 increase in numbers claiming benefits in May. It might have been the lowest monthly rise since September 2008, but we now have 402,100 on the Live Reg and we are still on track for reaching 500,000 before we can toast the New Year.


Dynamics are tough to gauge. May’s monthly rate of increase was 3.5%, down for the fourth consecutive month and the slowest pace of growth since May 2008. But there is no indication that we are not going to see another bout of accelerating growth in unemployment comes June and then September-October. One reason to note – males are still dominating the firing line (65% of all new additions to the LR in May), so at some point in time, there will be new entry by women. How do I know? Simple – since December, layoffs have been moving off the construction sector into other, more ‘gender balanced’ sectors. I many cases, employers there offered voluntary redundancies with rather generous pay-offs. Women were the most likely to take such for a number of reasons:

· Women are more willing to switch into part-time employment;

· Women are more likely to go into continued education than men;

· Women are more likely to undertake family work than men etc

So this means that there a many ‘hidden’ layoffs working their way through redundancy packages that will surface once money becomes extremely tight.


Just in case you still believe in Mr Cowen’s economic assessment, give the following fact a thought. It comes courtesy of the Ulster Bank economics team and I agree with them wholly:


The Live Register estimate of the unemployment rate increased from 11.4% in April to 11.8% in May, a rate last seen in May 1996. Our unemployment rate forecast of 14% by the end of this year therefore continues to look realistic. While today’s figures were certainly a welcome improvement on preceding months, the numbers signing on will continue to rise in coming months, as job losses in the services sector, most notably in wholesale and retail and hotels and restaurants, in addition to layoffs in construction, are ongoing. We therefore continue to forecast that the unemployment rate will peak at 16% by the end of 2010, before falling back gradually when the economy starts to recover.”


So Brian’s policies are working, then… too bad he can’t even tell us which policies he has in mind…

Tuesday, June 2, 2009

Economics 2/06/2009: Innovation debate

My article in the Sunday Times last weekend has triggered some responses. The article is reproduced below.

Here is a link to at least one good reply, from DCU's President, Ferdinand von Prondzynski. In spirit of debate, I decided to address couple of points he raises in the post:

Ferdinand is right that I am arguing 'against' the current approach of promoting, disproportionately, the idea of lab-based innovation. But I think he is wrong in downplaying what I suggest as the way forward.

I am talking about the need to focus more on where the actual returns to innovation are. From business point of view, these returns are in 'soft' innovation - process innovation, managerial improvements, logistics, communications, etc. These have been neglected in academia and SFI has virtually no presence in these areas. Interstingly, Ferdinand actually appears to present these areas as being somewhat below the 'real' innovation, '
understood as investment in high value science and technology'.

I mention a Wal-Mart effect and the value-added accruing to marketing and sales as being more important than producing new patents and scientific papers. I am yet to see an argument that the former yields lower returns to the society and economy than the latter.


Ireland is a small player and holds little promise to deliver hard innovation on global scale. But it does offer a strong potential for delivering high value-added sales, international links etc. It cannot be a unique supplier of a significant number of competitively innovative products on a global scale, but it can be a platform for domiciling innovation of others. For that we have location, links to the EU and the US, and we have talent.


Yet, how many professors of biotech or computer sciences do we have? Dozens. How many professors of finance do we have? A handful. Our system of research and teaching assumes that there is no need for raising investment in innovation or in higher value-added activities because we became fully reliant on the State to provide such financing. We have virtually no indigenous R&D investment, with most of private sector R&D expenditure delivered by the MNCs.


Ferdinand might want to ask the following questions:
  1. Can we build a thriving economy without any domestic biotech graduates? To me the answer is yes. Can we train a single biotech graduate without a system of funcitioning finance? To me the answer is no.
  2. If you have limited resources to invest in two activities: activity A (lab coats) yielding X% return per annum, activity B (finance) yielding 2X% pa, with everything else being equal, which one would you choose? To me the answer is B. But hold on, B also offers better jobs security for people than A, more diversified markets on which the service can be sold, it is an activity that has remained with us for centuries, so it does not become obsolete. And it can be built in 5-10 years, unlike lab coats that might become outdated by the time we actually have them exiting out Universities.
So we have a chain of national economic development that should be going from: build a base for finance and business services first, then indulge in a luxury of producing lab coats. Not the other way around.

I am, of course, exaggerating somewhat, for lab coats are also important. SFI and our Government have made a choice - lab coats and nothing more. I am merely suggesting that we need more!

Are we a country that hosts MNCs and provides them with support labour, or are we a platform from which MNCs actually add value? If we are the former, we need to produce more hard science PhDs. If we are the latter, we need more specialists in marketing, sales, finance, etc. Value-added by the former - not much, once you adjust for the risk of failure and the scale of our R&D sector. Value-added by the latter - well, look at Switzerland, for example, or Luxemburg, or Austria. Hard R&D-intensive IT and Pharma sectors there account for at most 10% of GNP, finance and B2B services account for 30-50%.


Can we be like Switzerland? Yes, if we focus instead on business services, e.g financial services, and import talent for labs-based employment, we will still be able to produce innovative goods and services, but we are no longer running the risk of ending up with the indigenous specialists who are at risk of becoming redundant the minute technology trends shift. Ferdinand might point to the fact that Switzerland trains many hard science PhDs, but hey - they started doing so after centuries of investing in finance and business services.


Finally, there is another argument in favour of abandoning our senile concentration of 'innovation' on ICT and bio: it is a basic 'diversification of your investment' argument... lab-coats simply do not get this.



Sunday Times, May 31, 2009 (un-edited version)

Back in December 2008, Irish Government unveiled its response both to the current crisis and the longer-term growth challenges. The plan, bearing a lofty title Building Ireland's Smart Economy was an amalgamation of tired clichés. But it contained an even less palatable revelation: our Government has not a faintest idea as to where economic growth comes from. This plan – never implemented – would be the old news, if not for the insistence by our leaders that it remains the cornerstone of economic policy.

Economic growth happens when entrepreneurs and investors find new means to extract more value out of existent resources. This is not the same as our Government’s concept of the smart economy.


Instead, Government ideas are closer to Mao Tse Tung’s Great Leap Forward than to the intensive growth models. Mao believed, literally, that shoving more production inputs into economy was growth. Brian Cowen and his Cabinet believe that getting more PhDs and public capital into sciences-dominated sectors generates growth. Net result will be a waste of economic resources for several reasons.


Sustainable growth requires very little in terms of armies of science bureaucrats, people in lab coats and science campuses, and much more of the incentives for business competitiveness and productivity. Over the last 20 years, worldwide improvements in logistics and retailing (known collectively as the Wal-Mart Effect) have yielded several times greater contribution to economic growth than the so-called innovative sectors like bio-tech, nanoscience, clean energy technologies and other lab-based activities combined.


Ireland has missed the Wal-Mart Effect because of the Government’s economic illiteracy that wastes billions protecting inefficient domestic services from competition. Ditto for other crucially important business infrastructure: legal, accountancy, medical, media, energy, utilities and so on. We are languishing at the bottom of the world league in communications services (ranked 23rd in 2008-2009 Global Information Technology Report) just as the Government policy papers and programmes promising to make Ireland the innovation wonderland by 2013 abound.


Studies in pharmaceutical economics show that the risk-adjusted returns to scientific R&D leading to the development of a blockbuster drug are only half as large as returns to marketing, sales and distribution. When value at risk assessment of pharmaceutical investment accounts for large research pipelines economic returns to companies like Elan (a tiny minnows in the world of global pharma) can be negative.


Our focus on science-based R&D is hopelessly out of synch with international trends. Five years ago, biotech, customiseable software, nanotechnologies, alternative fuels, energy storage and the rest of the fancy scientific stuff were the domain of smaller companies. Today, the big boys of global business – the likes of Pfizer and IBM – are firmly in the field and next to them indigenous Irish enterprises have little chance of succeeding in either attracting capital, or hiring the requisite talent, or capturing markets for their products.


Our real (as opposed to lofty policy-based) metrics reflect this. Last month Science Foundation Ireland claimed that it expects 30 local R&D-based start-ups and 40 revenue generating technology licenses to emerge over the next 5 years. This implies that billions spent on the ‘knowledge’ economy will be adding some 60-100 new jobs or less than half a license per Irish academic institution per annum. In almost 7 years of its existence, SFI supported creation on only 250 patents (1.7 per academic institution annually). Virtually none have any commercial value to date.


All along, our state policies have ignored more productive avenues for growth: international finance, business services and market access platforms. While successful in delivering serious presence of Dublin for international back-office and domiciling operations, to-date we have failed to foster the emergence of Irish front-office activities. Yet, if back-office accounts for roughly 5-10% of the total value added in financial services, front-office (you’ve guessed it: sales, marketing, research and management) account for the rest.


Although employee value-added in Irish internationally traded financial services is some 70% greater than in the IT sector, no innovation policy recognises this. International financial services can be even more R&D and knowledge-intensive than the lab-coat sectors. Strangely, you can get tax breaks for developing new financial software – with a risk-adjusted return of ca10% per annum, but you will be paying exorbitant transactions and income taxes on research- and knowledge-reliant financial management activities.


There are even more bizarre twists in Irish policy. Irish Governments – from time immemorial – have preferred simplistic numerical targets to quality analysis and cost-benefit assessment. Thus, we now have a patently absurd goal of doubling the numbers of PhDs in Ireland by 2013 without any regard to the quality of these researchers. We have no stated goals as to the international rankings we would like to achieve for our numerous third level institutions generously financed by taxpayers. Only four out of our 7 universities and 14 ITs (TCD, UCD, UCC and UCG) have serious chances to either retain their position in the top 200 rankings or reach such position in the foreseeable future. Not a single Government department or public body is expressing any concern about this lack of competitiveness.


[Note: I do recognize (hat tip to Ferdinand von Prondzynski) that by latest rankings, DCU is actually ahead of UCG, so the list should have read TCD, UCD, UCC/UCG and DCU, per my belief that UCG can be competitive if and only if it merges with UCC]

Even more disconcerting is the total lack of foresight as to the employment prospects for our new PhDs. In the US some 50-55% of PhDs are employed by taxpayers. In Europe, the number is even larger – around 70%. In Finland – long regarded to be inspiration for Ireland’s knowledge economy – only 15% of PhDs are employed in the private sector. Majority of Irish PhDs go on to take up post-doctoral grants financed by the Government. They are, in effect, employees of the state with no academic positions and little hope of gaining one in the future. How many will find employment commensurable with their stated qualification once their grants run out in 2-3 years time?


Irish policy structures are simply unsuited to the emergence of entrepreneurial and productivity-enhancing culture necessary to sustain real long-term investment in knowledge-intensive enterprises. Most of our civil service is based on anti-entrepreneurial centrally planned system. Majority of our public service employees lack requisite knowledge of the private sector and the comparable aptitude to understand the present economy, let alone to accurately foresee its future needs. This is reflected in education and research policies, economic analysis documentation and in the structure of taxation.


Instead of
providing incentives for business-related innovation, our taxation system penalizes investments in human capital with punitive rates of taxation. Returns to investment in property or physical capital in Ireland imply marginal tax rates of 0-25%. The same investment undertaken in education faces a marginal tax rate in excess of 50%. Chart above shows the relative taxation burdens associated with human capital and property between 1998 and today. As Ireland embarked on the path of building ‘knowledge economy’, tax on human capital as a share of overall tax revenue rose from roughly 63% in 2006 to 80% this year.

High income and consumption taxes are directly linked to the fact that three quarters of the EU nationals who obtain higher degrees in the US never return back. Are we setting ourselves up for the future brain drain from Ireland as well?


In years ahead Ireland stands a chance of either becoming a booming 21st century economy or a laggard to the increasingly geriatric Eurozone. This choice will be based on our ability to deliver real entrepreneurship and skills infrastructure. More than a breeding programme for PhDs, this will require reforming taxation system to incentivise commercially viable knowledge, risk-taking and skills acquisition. It will also require support of a top-to-bottom reshaping and scaling down of our public sector and focusing the state priorities on delivering real improvements in simple things like communications and early education.


Friday, May 22, 2009

Economics 22/05/2009: Tumbleweed Brain?

Imagine a high desert scene outside Los Angeles - vast expanse of nothingness, sandy patch of a road and a massive, prickly and menacingly fast advancing tumbleweed rolling at you, kicking up dust of sand every time it bumps over a rock or a hillock. Thus, the picture of devastation complete, the sense of stable equilibrium achieved, the landscape is all but a sign of devastation.

Would you call it an image of hope?

Well, Brian Cowen does.

Today reports claim that Mr Cowen told FF gathering that the Government had taken necessary decisions to ensure the Irish economy could bounce back next year. So what can go wrong? Jobless and about to lose your home? Pay-up to the Revenue and shut up, for FF has taken the necessary decisions. We are but the roadkill for Cowen and Co on the road to his recovery.

Mr Cowen also decided that the high cover achieved in the last auction for 5-year bonds was a sign of investors regaining confidence in Ireland Inc.

This blog has long argued that the demand for Irish bonds is similar to a Ponzi pyramid due to Irish banks rolling over Government debt to the ECB and monetizing it. Yesterday's Irish Times editorial finally bowed to the facts and agreed. Last week, Michael Somers of NTMA has "pointed out that 85 per cent of Ireland’s debt is held abroad but that in recent bond sales, Irish banks were significant buyers of Government debt" to be used as collateral to borrow from the ECB. This was not, he said, “a genuine end investor result". How much did the latest bond auction success depend on investment by Irish banks which have already received some €7 billion from the Government to help secure their survival? The NTMA should ease investor concerns and set out the details," said the Irish Times.

I think it is time we ask a hard question about our bond market revolving door to the ECB. Is it true that:
  • as Brian Lenihan takes our taxes, we are hit once; then
  • as Brian Lenihan issues bonds, we are hit again with the debt to be repaid in the future; and
  • as the banks buy these bonds and go to the ECB to borrow against them, we are saddled with the banks-held debt that will have to be repaid to the ECB at some point in time and which is, in the end, our - taxpayers - liability too? so that
  • the entire scheme requires continuous borrowing to sustain itself...
And what is all of this Ponzi pyramid used for? To finance early retirements of the civil servants and to pay their increments? This, indeed, is what Mr Cowen calls 'the necessary decisions'.

Cowen also stated that "we have a way out that is working". Remember the brilliant German movie Downfall about the last days of the Third Reich? (See a reminder/spoof here). Say no more... our unbeloved leader is in a state of delusion that is equivalent to awaiting the arrival of a miracle weapon (which does not exist) as the real enemy tanks are crushing your city.

What plan does Mr Cowen have? Brian Cowen claimed that economic recovery will be based on 4 pillars:
  1. Banking crisis resolution;
  2. Public finances gap closure via revenue increases and spending cuts;
  3. Jobs protection; and
  4. Investing in the unemployed to return them to work.
Brian Cowen has produced not a single policy to address any of the four pillars. Not a single one.

The entire country now is aware that NAMA cannot be made to work. Brian Cowen is in denial of this.

The entire country knows that he has not cut public spending (his own Government Budget shows increasing public current expenditure in every year through 2013). Brian Cowen is in denial of this.

The entire country knows that his Government is drawing blood out of taxpayers to raise revenue and that it is not working. Brian Cowen is in denial of this.

The entire country sees jobs being lost in thousands week, after week, as Brian Cowen and his Government choke enterprises, workers, investors and entrepreneurs with higher and higher taxes and charges. Brian Cowen is in denial of this.

The entire country knows that it was Brian Cowen as Minister for Finance who raised our social welfare rates to such a level that no programme that FAS can run will ever turn former construction workers off the welfare. The entire country knows that FAS should be renamed FARCE because it is one of the most wasteful and least productive Government organizations. Brian Cowen is in denial of this.

It is my sincere hope that his own party colleagues stop listening to the man for two reasons:
  1. Brian Cowen no longer speaks for the people, about the people and with the people; and
  2. No one listens to Brian Cowen anymore.
Brian Cowen is in denial of reality.

Friday, May 8, 2009

Finance Bill 2009: Economically-illiterate and jobs-destroying

Finance Bill 2009 published yesterday confirms a simple fact Lenihan and Cowen are hell-bent on pillaging this economy and destroying private growth and wealth.

I will focus on far less-discussed Explanatory Memorandum:
  • confirms that "the income levy rates in force in the first four months of the year will apply to redundancy payments made up to 30 April 2009" - so DofF has venally gone after people who lost their jobs and was forced to step back. No worries, they'll get you in some other ways. But this means that the DofF projections for €754mln in 2009 due to be raised out of income levies is now looking more like my predicted (here) €714mln.
How? Well, we had some 384,400-268,600=115,800 people joining the Live Register since November 2008, this is probably ca 80% of those laid off in the period and so the numbers of those getting redundancies since January 1 (there is a lag in redundancy payments for quite a few workers due to cash flow problems in many businesses) are close to the above number. Statutory redundancy is 2 weeks pa, so say on average we have around 4 weeks of pay pa of service, for median salary of the laid off of, say €35,000 pa. Average tenure in the job is 5 years. Redundancy total paid since January is around €1.55bn mark. At 1% foregone levy, flat, that is €15.5mln. Annualized - €46.5mln. Ouch! Yet, it does not stop there - those 115,800 workers aren't going to get a job any time soon, so their income taxes (and levies) are now NIL. Foregone levies? Ouch, €41.5mln odd for the rest of 2009 income... And that is before we get to factor in the Laffer Curve effect of levies on the rest of us...

Yes, Brian, you should have sent Lenihan to Economics 101...

  • "Section 5 amends section 97 of the Taxes Consolidation Act 1997 in relation to the extent to which interest on borrowed money used to purchase, improve or repair a rented premises can be deducted in computing the amount of taxable rental income. Where the borrowed money is used to purchase, improve or repair a residential premises, 75% of the interest on the borrowings can now be deducted instead of the normal 100%".
Now, I am not the biggest fan of buy-to-let investors, but... this is absolutely arbitrary. If I invest in a business - to increase that business' earning capacity, I can write it off against my earnings. Well, rental properties are business too. This measure is arbitrary in so far as it applies to a relative penalty to specific businesses. It is also idiotic, for it discourages improvements in properties, or in other words reduces efficiency of the existent housing stock in the country.

Yes, Brian, you should have sent Lenihan and DofF to Economics 101... preferably not taught by Alan Ahearne...

  • "Section 6 amends section 644A of the Taxes Consolidation Act 1997 (which deals with the income tax treatment of income arising from dealing in residential development land) by providing for the abolition of the 20% incentive rate of income tax on such income, with effect from the 2009 tax year. From 2009 onwards such income will be taxed under normal income tax rules. The section also inserts a new section 644AA into the Taxes Consolidation Act 1997 [on] certain trading losses arising from a trade of dealing in residential development land where if profits had been earned the profits would have qualified for the 20% incentive rate of income tax. Under normal income tax rules, a loss sustained in a trade may be set ... against the person’s other income. In the case of losses sustained in a trade of dealing in residential development land, ...such losses (sustained in a trade in which if profits had been made would have been taxed at 20%) could be set against the person’s other income taxable at the higher 41% rate. The new section provides that such losses must first be converted into a tax credit, valued at 20% of the loss, and then allows the tax credit to be set sideways in the year the loss is sustained
    against tax payable on the person’s other income."
Brian-the-Genghis-Khan of Irish finances is now doing the following: you can earn income and pay a tax of 41%, plus levies, but if in the process you incur a loss, you can only write it off at 20% tax rate. This is patently business retarding. Application of this Zimbabwean-like measure to residential development land is not the point. The point is that the tax charge is more than twice the loss write-off charge. Of course, Zanu-FF will never pass this onto the entire economy - because our MNCs and large domestic vested interests will never allow this to occur, but... drop-by-drop he will start extending this in the next Budget to other parts of business.

But again, an added here is a bonus insight into Brian's economic illiteracy. The banks and corporates are overloaded with bad loans at this time. Much of it is collateralized on or lent on development land. If we were to force the banks to take serious writedowns and to see developers do so as well, why are we introducing a 50% penalty for them to do this? Brian is creating zombie land banks in return for a couple of hundred of euros he might claw back from a handful of forced sales of land. This is (a) going to haunt us for a long period of time, and (b) bodes poorly for the prospect of NAMA not generating the same...

  • Finally, where a claim for terminal loss relief (i.e. on the permanent cessation of a trade) has not been made to and received by Revenue before 7 April 2009, the new section restricts the relief so that any part of the terminal loss that relates to a loss sustained, before 1 January 2009, in a trade of dealing in residential development
    land is ‘‘ring-fenced’’ and can only be set against income arising in that trade, or in that part of a trade, in prior years.
So no booking of losses after January 1, 2009 on development land. This is a penalty on those going bust in 2009 - a venal act, given that some developers tried their best to stay afloat before then and are now facing back taxes on business losses. Again, not being enamoured with land speculation myself, I just don't think this is a good way of reducing such activity in the future, but rather a way to kick in the sensitive area those who are already down. Well done, Brian.

In contrast, Section 8 allows for a close-off period for nursing homes incentives scheme phase-out. Why not for development land, Brian? After all, what's more toxic and needs to be written off faster and in a more orderly fashion?

In further contrast, here is a fair treatment:
  • Section 11 abolishes the effective 20% rate applied to trading profits from dealing in residential development land with effect from 1 January 2009. An accounting period that straddles that date is treated for this purpose as two accounting periods. Profits or gains on dealing in residential development land will now be charged at the general rate of corporation tax that applies to dealing in land, which is 25%.
The only question to be asked here is why on earth did we have this exemption in the first place?
  • Section 7 amends section 372AW of the Taxes Consolidation Act 1997 which relates to the Mid-Shannon Corridor Tourism Infrastructure Investment Scheme. One of the conditions of this tax incentive scheme is that the Mid-Shannon Tourism Infrastructure Board must grant approval in principle for investment projects in advance of expenditure being incurred. At present an application for such
    approval in principle must be made within one year of the commencement of the Scheme, i.e. by 31 May 2009. This amendment extends the period during which such applications can be made from one year to two years so that the latest date for the submission of applications is now 31 May 2010. Under the Scheme, the current period within which expenditure must be incurred for capital allowances purposes is the three-year period commencing on 1 June 2008 and ending on 31 May 2011. To cater for any projects that may avail of the new date for the submission of applications for approval in principle, this period is also being extended and will now end on 31 May 2013.
So all is fine in the land of wasted resources - Mid-Shannon development incentives scheme is being extended... Typical FF regional subsidies waste before the local elections.


Down to the part where Brian extorts the money out of the ordinary folks:
  • Section 9 increases Deposit Interest Retention Tax by two percentage points with effect from 8 April 2009. Section 10 increases the rates of tax applying to life assurance policies and investment funds by two percentage points with effect from 8 April 2009. Section 14 gives effect to the proposal announced in the Budget statement to increase the rate of capital gains tax from 22% to 25% in respect of disposals made from midnight on 7 April 2009. Section 15 confirms the Budget increase in the rate of Mineral Oil Tax on auto-diesel which, when VAT is included, amounts to 5 cent on a litre. Section 16 confirms the Budget increases in the rates of Tobacco Products Tax which, when VAT is included, amount to 25 cent on a packet of 20 cigarettes with pro-rata increases on other tobacco products.
  • Section 22 provides for an increase in the current non-life insurance levy by 1 per cent to 3 per cent and for a new 1 per cent levy on life assurance policies. The increase in the non-life levy applies to premiums received on or after 1 June 2009 in respect of offers of insurance or notices of renewal of insurance issued by an insurer on or after 8 April 2009. The new levy on life assurance policies applies to premiums received on or after 1 August 2009 in respect of life assurance policies whenever entered into by an insurer.
As expected, the issue of legality of these measures didn't phase DofF. I certainly hope insurers are going to take this state to the ECJ and trash these measures as an arbitrary infringement by the state onto the conditions of the private contracts.

  • Section 23 gives effect to the proposal announced in the Budget statement to reduce the current tax-free thresholds from \542,544 (Group A — broadly speaking, from parent to child), \54,254 (Group B — broadly speaking, between siblings, from children to parents, from grandparents to grandchildren, and from uncles and aunts to nephews and nieces) and \27,127 (Group C — all cases not covered by Group A and Group B) to \434,000, \43,400 and \21,700 respectively. The section also increases from 22% to 25% the rate of tax in respect of gifts or inheritances taken after midnight on 7 April 2009.
This is clear hand out to the trade unionists - you work all your life, you save and invest, you pass it over to your children and you get milked by the state on assets which were acquired from after-tax income. This is a signal that Brian Lenihan wants to send to us, wealth-creators, and to the rest of the world.

I certainly hope that during his ''road show' selling Ireland Inc, at least one prospective foreign investor stands up and asks him: "Minister, if you can raid your own peoples' wealth in an arbitrary and unilateral fashion such as this, what guarantees can you give us, foreigners, that you will not turn Ireland into a Zimbabwe, where property rights are adhered to only as long as it is convenient for your Government?"

And watch him avoid your gaze...

Friday, April 24, 2009

Daily Economics 25/04/09: John McGuinness & Alan Ahearne

For my comment on John McGuinness' story, scroll to the bottom.

Alan Ahearne, the newly minted adviser to the Government, has gone into an overdrive mode, tackling the 20 dissenters (including myself) who dared to challenge NAMA as a taxpayers' nightmare waiting to happen (in the Irish Times: here) and striking at criticism against his masters in the Leinster House (Irish Independent report today: here).

Per Ahearne's musings in the Times
It is indeed sad to read an article that so flatly denies itself a chance at having an argument, as Alan's treaties on What's wrong with nationalization. Alan spent some time studying our earlier Times piece (see more on this here), but it is also obvious that he had hard time coming up with arguments against its main points.

Let us start from the top.

"The recommendation that nationalisation of the entire Irish banking system is the only way we can extricate the banks and the economy from the serious difficulties we are experiencing risks diverting the debate away from issues that are much more central to the success of the ...Nama proposal." Alan follows up with a list of such 'central issues' from which our article was allegedly diverting the debate. Alas, all are actually covered in our article. As an aside, we never argued for nationalization of "the entire banking system", but of the systemically important banks alone.

"As in other advanced economies, bank nationalisation is seen very much as a last resort." Our article states that: "We do not make this recommendation from any ideological position. In normal circumstances, none of us would recommend a nationalised banking system. However, these are far from normal times..." We clearly were not advocating nationalization as some sort of a good-fun measure.

"It is important to recall that there is an overwhelming international consensus that the so-called good-bank/bad-bank model on which Nama is strongly based presents the opportunity for achieving an enduring long-term solution to the banking crisis." Actually, there is no such 'consensus'. And even if there was one, just because many other Governments have been working with this specific model does not mean that (a) the model actually works, (b) Ireland should follow in their footsteps and (c) this is the best option for resolving the crisis. The model does not work, as in the US, for example it has managed to absorb vast resources (which Ireland does not possess) and had come under heavy criticism as not delivering.

The fact that Ireland should not blindly follow in others footsteps is apparent. But it is also rather amusing, for the Indo (see below) reports today Alan's own insistence that we should not follow the US in stimulating our economy. No tax breaks to the suffering workers, says Alan, because we are different from the US in fiscal policies. NAMA and no nationalization, says Alan, because we want to follow the US lead in financial markets policies. Same Alan, two divergent points of view...

"One of the main issues identified in the article is the need to restore bank lending. This is a central objective of the Nama initiative. Nationalisation, on the other hand, creates a significant risk of undermining the capacity of the banks to raise funds internationally for domestic lending." Two things worth mentioning.
  1. Alan clearly contradicts here his own statement that our article risks 'diverting' national attention from the core issues relating to NAMA. Obviously it did not: restoring bank lending is "a central objective of the NAMA" (per Alan) and it was identified in our original article as "one of the main issues".
  2. The argument that nationalization undermines banks capacity to borrow internationally is a pure speculation. Firstly, our banks have little capacity to borrow internationally as is. Secondly, when they regain such capacity their ability to do so will be underpinned by public guarantees. Third, why a state-owned (and thus a fully state-insured) bank wouldn't be able to borrow from other banks and the markets? What would prevent, say London- based investors buying BofI bonds when these bonds carry a much stronger default protection under state guarantees than the one afforded to them by the half-competent current management?
"Investors would surely give the Irish market a wide berth in the future – not just in the banking sector – if the State undertook such an extreme step." No they won't, Alan. Banks and public finance in Ireland are in a mess. Investors have already priced these factors in. The markets understand the difference between a healthy, albeit not necessarily extremely profitable company like Elan or CRH and the nationalization-bound banks or economically illiterate Exchequer policies. Such are the basics of investment markets.

Nationalizing banks with clear privatization time line and disbursing privatization vouchers to the taxpayers will send strong signals to the markets that Ireland is:
  • serious about the banking crisis;
  • ready to support household balance sheets in crisis;
  • can creatively stimulate its economy without destroying it fiscal position;
  • will not waste privatization revenue in a gratuitous public spending boost, thus supporting long term fiscal health; and
  • will have a transparent and fixed downside on its banking rescue commitments (i.e no repeated rounds of post-NAMA recapitalizations).
Which one of these points contributes to the international investors shying away from Irish stocks?

"It is difficult to see a credible exit strategy from wholesale bank nationalisation." Read our article on the topic in Business & Finance magazine, Alan. Also, the original Times article, stated in plain English: "...nationalisation offers an opportunity, should the Government see such a need, to share directly with the taxpayers the upside in restoring banking sector health. Such an opportunity could involve a voucher-style reprivatisation of the banks and could be used to provide economic stimulus at a time of scarce resources, at no new cost to the exchequer." So no real mystery as to how a credible exit strategy can be devised, Alan.

But NAMA without nationalization offers no exit strategy at all (credible or not). In fact, it offers no strategy for ending the rounds of repeated bailouts of the banks either.

"Under the Nama initiative the taxpayer is protected from unforeseen losses through the Government’s commitment to levy the banks for any losses incurred." This is simply wrong! Once NAMA owns the assets, what recourse onto banks will the state have should the quality of the assets bought fail to match the price paid? As far as I can see - none. But under nationalization, the state owns all - good and bad assets, and it can price these assets on the ongoing basis as more information on the quality of loans arrives.

"The State has already, under the recapitalisation programme, potential for benefiting from the upside in terms of the recovery in the share prices of the two main banks. The State has an option to purchase at a very low price 25 per cent of the existing ordinary shares in Bank of Ireland, and will soon have a similar claim on AIB." I am sorry, Alan, the 25% shares in BofI and AIB relate to the €5bn that we, the taxpayers have already paid for these banks recapitalization. These shares are wholly independent from NAMA liability and from the future liabilities we will incur under NAMA-triggered second round of recapitalizations. Whichever way you twist it, Alan, the state will have to spend additional cash buying the shares of the banks after we have paid for NAMA!

About the only statement in the entire article I find myself at least in a partial agreement with is: "Empirical evidence strongly suggests that private banks perform better than nationalised banks. International studies have shown that too much “policy-directed” lending by wholly state-owned banks has retarded economic growth. The simple truth is that nationalisation creates a significant risk of a political rather than a commercial allocation of credit." However, the problem here is three-fold:

  1. NAMA is at the same, if not even the greater, risk of becoming politicised;
  2. Banks are going to be majority state-owned post-NAMA (if only at double the cost to the taxpayers), so Ahearne's musings do not resolve the problem he posits; and
  3. We are not in the normal times when empirical evidence holds...
we are in a mess! and Alan's confused rumblings on the topic illustrate the extent of this mess well enough for me.

Per Ahearne's economic policy musings in the Indo
US-styled fiscal "stimulus wouldn't work well anyway in a small, open economy, and, of course, the budget position is such that it just doesn't allow it," Dr Ahearne told Engineers Ireland conference.
Of course he is right on this, but him being right on the technicality does not mean that:
  • It is right to raise taxes on ordinary workers and businesses, as the Budget did, amidst the recession;
  • It is right not to cut public spending by an appreciably significant amount, as the Budget did;
  • It is right to continue awarding public sector wage hikes, as the Government is doing with consultants;
  • It is right to rely on senile plans for Irish-styled 'stimulus' that will waste money on unproven projects, as the Government did;
  • It is right to continue resisting reforms of the public sector, as the Government is doing.

Ahearne further said that 'if the US and the global economy improves next year and Ireland continues to get its public finances in order, then Ireland would be in a position to make a "strong recovery"'. Really, Alan? How so? Through a miraculous return of Dell jobs, Google engineers jobs? Waterford jobs? Tralee jobs? By reversing our losses in exports competitiveness? By scaling down the atrociously high cost of doing business here? Dr Ahearne is so far removed from reality of economic environment that he believes the entire economy can be rescued by the IDA efforts alone?

"Ireland is regaining its competitiveness "very quickly" because of rapidly falling wages, he said", as the Indo reports. "Of course, those declines are painful but they will price a lot of people back into the labour market and, therefore,they are setting the foundations for the recovery." This amazingly callous statement comes from a person who is secure in his own public sector job with high salary. It also comes from an official of this Government.

Wage declines have been borne out by the private sector alone, Alan. Unemployment increases have been borne by the private sector alone, Alan. And most of the real income loss to those still in the jobs has come courtesy of your masters policies - the Budget. How is this restoring any sort of competitiveness vis-a-vis other economies where the Governments are putting in place tax cuts?

Here is a lesson that Dr Ahearne failed to learn in all his years of studying economics:

  • Higher tax rates amidst the most generous welfare system in Europe mean that marginalized workers will not have an incentive to return to the labour market.
  • Higher taxes in a restricted labour market (with high costs of hiring and firing workers and high minimum wage rate) hamper jobs creation.
  • Higher taxes on already debt-loaded households mean that more and more families are facing the ruin and precautionary savings are rising, reducing our internal economy growth potential.
  • But most importantly, higher taxes on human capital mean that productivity growth is going to be constrained for years to come.

It is that simple, Alan, any recovery will require productivity growth in this economy outpacing the cost of living rises and the cost of doing business growth. Your policies have just hiked the latter by some 10% - courtesy of taxes and levies increases in the Budget, while restricting productivity growth by failing to provide any real support for businesses or incentives for workers to get off the dole. You are travelling in exactly the opposite direction to the one that has to be taken if we are to get productivity-driven recovery.




John McGuinness' appearance on the Late Late Show tonight was a logical conclusion of months of pinned up rage that this country is feeling toward the Cabinet - and primarily to Mr Cowen, Mr Lenihan and Mrs Coughlan - towards the public sector at large and towards the scores of mostly nameless, faceless (but sometimes publicly visible) 'advisers' who have systemically destroyed the prosperity of this country and its chances of coming out of the recession as a competitive and growth-focused economy.

McGuinness avoided offering direct examples of gross incompetence and outright insubordination that are so often exemplified by some of our public sector departments and quangoes. This was his choice, but the country needs to know of these acts and it needs to know the names of those who carry on their duties in such a manner. He also avoided placing the blame for the mess we are in where it really belongs, at the feet of:
  • the participants in the Social Partnership that managed to squander billions of our money to finance wasteful 'investment' and social cohesion programmes and to set this economy into the rigid infrastructure of inflexible labour laws, senile minimum wage restrictions, mad political correctness and corrupt local governance. Some of the Social Partnership members were the reluctant parties to this outrage - brought in under the threat of union violence against businesses and entrepreneurs. Others made it their life-long ambition to get their organizations to the feeding trough. Roles of all should now be questioned and the entire Partnership model must be scrapped;
  • the Government that has for the last 6 years chosen to take no serious policy action to reign in its own employees and their unions and that has retained inefficient and often markets-retarding monopolies. The Government that simply bought its way through the elections, policy conflicts and minor reforms;
  • the political culture that promotes mediocrity and punishes statesmanship. Our academic and policy debate systems that promote complacency, competition for public funding, anti-entrepreneurial ethos, social welfarism and provide philosophical and ethical foundations for systematic moral and financial debasing of the taxpayers, wealth creators, jobs providers and consumers, promoting instead the unquestioning support for NGOs, quangoes and public sector;
  • some business elites that, in exchange for state contracts handouts looked the other way as the political and social elites of this country carved our wages and earnings to their own benefits. It is a telling sign of the depreciation of the entrepreneurial spirit in this country that faced with a wholesale destruction at the hands of incompetent (and often outright malicious) policymakers, our business leaders remain largely silent, uncritical of the Government.
This should not be held against the person who has now become the first man from inside the FF tent to voice his honest and informed opinion. Instead, there should be firm focus on completing the task he started - the task of recognizing the fact that we are currently being ruled by the three 'leaders' who have shown over the last year complete inability to run the country in crisis. It is time for us not to ask them to go, but to tell them that they must go.

Blunders of Mary: I would encourage the readers of this blog to submit any publicly documented evidence of Mary Coughlan's incompetence at the helm of DETE or indeed of her incompetence at the previous ministerial appointments.

Here is the first one: on April 2 Mary Coughlan has publicly displayed the lack of knowledge as to the existence (let alone the details) of the new Social Welfare Bill put forward by her own Government and already scheduled for a full debate in the Dail in late April. As the bill provides for adjustments in unemployment benefits and conditions, the bill would be at least partially linked directly to Mary Coughlan's ministerial brief. Responding in the Dail to the question concerning this bill, Mary Coughlan said she had no knowledge of any such legislation.

There was, of course, her infamous failure in the Lisbon Treaty debate (here); and an equally spectacular flop during her tenure as Minister for Agriculture, when an ordinary farmer's question exposed her lack of knowledge concerning her ministerial brief.

She earned herself a nickname of 'Sarah Palin of Donegal' after she told radio listeners on April 11th that Irish shoppers go to Northern Ireland only to buy cheap booze (here). This showed such monumental disrespect for ordinary families her Government has squeezed out of savings, pensions and earnings, that she should have been sacked on the spot for such proclamations.

The rumor mill in the public sector if full of accounts - that are yet to be documented - of her undiplomatic behaviour at foreign missions, outrageous antics at the meetings with international business leaders and arrogant statements in addressing top corporate brass. This is far from being a hallmark of an independently-minded politician - it is a direct result of her gross unsuitability for the position of responsibility that she occupies.