15/6/2012: Some probabilities for post-Greek elections outcomes

Some probabilistic evaluations of post-Greek elections scenarios and longer range scenarios for the euro area:

In considering the possible scenarios for Ireland’s position for post-Greek elections period, one must have an explicit understanding of the current conditions and the likelihood of the euro area survival into the future.

Short-term scenarios:

In my opinion, there is currently a 60% chance that Greece will remain within the euro area post elections, but will exit the common currency within 3 years.  Under this scenario, the ECB – either via ESM or directly – will have to provide support for an EU-wide system of banking deposits guarantees, and new writedowns of Greek debt, as well as full support package for Spain’s exchequer and banks. Ireland, in such a case, can, in the short term, benefit from some debt restructuring. Part of the package that will allow euro area to survive intact for longer than 6-12 months will involve increased transfer of structural funds to stimulate capital investment in the periphery, including Ireland.

On the other side of the spectrum, there is a 40% probability that Greece exits the euro area within 12 months either in a unilateral, unsupported and highly disorderly fashion (20%) or via facilitated exit programme supported by the euro area (20%). In the latter case, Ireland’s chances to achieve significant writedown of our debts will be severely restricted and our longer term membership within the euro area will be put in question. In the former case, post-Greek exit, the euro area will require very similar restructuring of debts and real economy transfers as in the first option above. Here, there is an equal chance that the EU will fail to put forward reasonable measures for preventing contagion from the disorderly Greek default to other countries, including Ireland, which would constitute the worst outcome for all member states involved.

Longer-term scenarios: 

In terms of longer horizon – beyond 3 years, the scenarios hinge on no disorderly default by Greece in short term, thus focusing on 80% probability segment of the above short term scenarios.

With probability of ca 30%, the coordinated response via ECB/ESM to the immediate crisis will require creation of a functional fiscal union. The union will have to address a number of structural bottlenecks. Fiscal discipline will have to be addressed via enforcement of the Fiscal Compact – a highly imperfect set of metrics, with doubtful enforceability. Secondly, the union will have to address the problem of competitiveness in euro area economies, most notably all peripheral GIIPS, plus Belgium, the Netherlands (household debt), France. As mentioned in the short-term scenario 1 above, growth must be decoupled from debt overhang and this will require simultaneous restructuring of real economic debt (corporate, household and government), operational system of banks insolvencies, and investment transfers to the peripheral states. The reason for the probability of this option being set conservatively at 30% is that I see no immediate capacity within euro area to enact such sweeping legislative and economic transformations. Much discussed Eurobonds will not deliver on this, as euro area’s capacity to issue such will not, in my view, exceed new financing capability in excess of 10% of euro area GDP.

The second longer-term scenario involves a 60% probability of the euro area breakup over 2-5 years. This can take the form of a break up into broadly-speaking two types of post-Euro arrangements.

The first break up arrangement will see emergence of the strong euro, with Germany at its core. Currently, such a union can include Finland, Benelux, Austria, and possibly France, Slovakia, and Slovenia. The remaining member states are most likely going to see re-introduction of national currencies. Alternatively, we might see reintroduction of 17 old currencies. Italy is a big unknown in the case of its membership in the strong euro.

In my view, once the process of currency unwinding begins, it will be difficult to contain centrifugal forces and the so-called ‘weak’ euro is unlikely to stick. Most likely combination of the ‘strong’ euro membership will have Germany, Benelux, Finland and Austria bound together.

Lastly, there is a small (10 percent) chance that the EU will be able to continue muddling through the current path of partial solutions and time-buying. External conditions must be extremely favourable to allow the euro area to continue in its current composition and this is now unlikely.

3/2/2012: De Kaufman Door 2

Another set of interesting survey results from the Kaufman Econ Bloggers Outlook Q1 2012:

John Cochrane asked: should the eurozone become: 1) a currency union without fiscal union, allowing

sovereign default; 2) a currency union with strong fiscal union; or 3) Broken up

(no euro) into national currencies or smaller units?

So let's set aside the political feasibility of each option, in the first-best economics world:

• Euro as a currency union without fiscal union, allowing sovereign default is an option for 22% of the respondents.
• Euro as a currency union with strong fiscal union is preferred by 27% of respondents
• No euro with national currencies returning or smaller sub-blocks emerging is favored by 51% of respondents

There are, really, only 2 surprises in the above:

1. Relatively large number of economists who believe that sovereign defaults can be sustained in a currency union with no automatic transfers specified (I presume that many could have simply thought that transfer systems can be established either under an EU Commission umbrella or via ECB) and
2. Only 51% of the respondents recognize that there is, under current institutional set up, no real chance of managing an economically effective functional monetary union. And that there is no need to do this either.

9/1/2012: Week opener: Merkozy continuing to ignore Greek realities

Today's meeting between Sarkozy and Merkel is being framed in the context of continued pressures across the euro area (see report on the meeting here). More ominously - within the context of the euro area leadership duet ignoring the latests warning signs for Greece.

Per Der Spiegel report, IMF has changed its analysis of the Greek rescue package agreed in July 2011 in-line with IMF changes in forecasts for Greek economy in the latest programme review in December 2011. Specifically, IMF lowered its forecast for growth from -3% to -6% GDP.

Der Spiegel cites IMF internal memo in claiming that the Fund is viewing existent Greek programme (including to 50% 'voluntary' haircut on Greek bonds currently under negotiations) as insufficient to stabilize the Greek economy and fiscal situation. The Fund is, reportedly, considering 3 possible options to alleviate the latest set of growth pressures:

• New austerity measures for Athens - a measure that in my view will only exacerbate immediate pressures on Greece and will lead to dangerous destabilization of political situation in the country, leading to even more second order adverse effects on growth (e.g. prolonged strikes and rioting);
• Deeper haircuts on Greek debt held by private institutions - in my opinion this will lead to more contagion from Greece to euro area banks and sovereigns and should be, instead complemented by writedowns of Greek debt held by the ECB, to match existent private sector arrangements;
• Increase in the euro zone bailout funds - in my view, this measure is currently outside the feasibility envelope for Europe and, if attempted, will lead to increased cost of euro area borrowing and have a knock on effect of higher cost of lending to countries currently in the Troika programme. It is also important to note that the EFSF head Klaus Regling is aiming to raise EFSF guarantees to foreign investors to 30%, thus reducing the leverage ratio from 4-5 times to 3 times. This will lower EFSF's theoretical borrowing capacity even further.

The IMF note reports are effectively matched by the statement from the senior Germany Finance Ministry adviser made Saturday, who tole the Greek press that a 50% haircut on Greek debt will not be enough to restore sustainability to Greek fiscal dynamics.

In effect, three of out three IMF 'options' cited will exacerbate the crisis, not resolve it. And there is no Option 4 on the books.

12/12/2011: What if - the value of the punt nua?

For those of you have been reading recent (weeks old) reports that Irish punt, were it to be reintroduced, can witness appreciation relative to the dollar or 'old' euro, here's the table from Nomura research that, in my view, more accurately reflects what's going on:

Even the above estimation suggest long-term equilibrium value (5 year horizon post-introduction) for the punt, in my view, which means that on the downward adjustment path it is likely to undershoot the new equilibrium level and first move to a devaluation of more than 28.6%. The problem in terms of predicting the actual short-term movement in the punt is that we will have to deal with a number of problems that will take place simultaneously upon re-introduction of the new currency. The analysis is also sensitive as to the nature of transition from euro to the punt, as well as to the assumptions on debt to be carried over into new currency against the debt remaining in foreign currency.


Note: specially for those trigger-happy readers, this is not, repeat not, my view on viability of the punt or the desirability of exit from the euro or retaining the common currency. This is simply 'what if' argument.