10/1/16: My 2004 article on Irish property bubble

Per friend's reminder, here is an article of mine from November-December 2014 Business & Finance magazine, showing the dangerous levels of house prices overvaluation in Ireland relative to underlying fundamentals:

1/8/2012: Sunday Times July 29, 2012

An unedited version of my Sunday Times article from July 29, 2012. Please note - this is the last article for the Sunday Times for at least some time to come.

As markets attention shifted from the issues of economic growth to the more immediate crises in Spain, Italy and, once again, Greece, our policy-makers have been basking in a rare spot the sunlight. This week, Irish Credit Default Swaps – insurance contracts on Government bonds – have traded out of the range of the top-10 highest risk economies in the world, for the first time in a number of years. The core driver for this was not something that happened in Ireland, however. Accelerating costs if insuring Italian bonds, helped by margins hikes and ratings agencies warnings, plus the return to CDS markets of Greek bonds have pushed out of the markets spotlight.

With improvement in Irish bonds and CDS contracts relative performance compared to our peers in the peripheral Europe, it has been all too easy for Irish policymakers to forget that the economy is still stalled in the no-man’s land between recession and stagnation. In the short run, the news from the real economy here remain abysmal. But more worryingly, the news continue to reinforce the reality of the entire crisis, compounding already disastrous declines in household wealth, pensions, income and jobs prospects. This compounding means two things for the future. In the near term, it spells no prospect for a recovery in the domestic side of the economy. In the longer run they mean decades of depressed economic growth and a massive black hole of Ireland’s Lost Generation – those born in the late 1960s and into the early 1990s.

The future is truly bleak for the generations of the 30-50-year olds due to the historically massive debt bubble implosion that severely impacted their family balancesheets. The future is grim for today’s 20-year olds who have entered their careers amidst the recession.

Here are the facts.

Irish residents of the cohort of 30-50 years of age are the ones who are carrying the main weight of the household debt accumulated during 2000-2007 period when they either entered the property markets or traded up. According to the data trickling from the banks, these are the families that vastly (some 80% plus) dominating the ranks of high Loan-to-Value Ratio mortgages written against the property valuations that have all but collapsed. This week’s data release by the CSO shows that, measured using mortgages drawdowns, Irish property prices have fallen now 50% on average and 56% in Dublin compared to their peak. Property prices now stand at 35.2% below 2005 levels in terms of comparable data, and are closer to 2000-2001 levels – nominally – based on non-CSO data. And all signs are, the prices are yet to find their bottom.

Using Central Bank data on outstanding credit for house purchases, the implied loss in household wealth relating to the current crisis is currently running at over €90 billion. Taking into the account downpayments, stamp duty and VAT expenditures incurred by the households in purchasing their homes, the true volume of economic losses in the system is closer to €120 billion.

In a normally functioning economy, correcting for the bubble by assuming that house prices appreciation should be running on average at the rate of general inflation, Irish households – purchasers of homes during 2001-2007 period – should have had their net worth rise by a cumulative of ca €45 billion, providing an average retirement support of roughly €35,000 per person in the cohort of 30-50 year olds.

Put differently, even if we cancel out the entire negative equity component of current mortgages, Irish households would require a decade of savings (in excess of debt and remaining mortgages repayments) at roughly 10% annual savings rate to recover the amounts of pensionable wealth they have lost since the onset of the crisis. Adjusting for higher current and future taxes, increased risk of unemployment, and expected higher mortgages interest costs once the extraordinary ECB measures to support liquidity in the euro area banking sector are wound down, Irish middle-age middle class households have been thrown back decades in terms of their ability to finance pensions.

The effects of these wealth declines, however, imply that younger generations will also feel tremendous burden of the crisis. Here is how this intergenerational contagion works.

Firstly, absent pensions provisions, current 30-50 year olds will be delaying their retirement, preventing upward mobility of earnings and career prospects for the younger workers. Secondly, even prior to the crisis Irish pensions system was grossly underfunded with the country facing some of the largest unfunded future liabilities bills in the OECD. These liabilities represent the costs of maintaining current levels of public health, pensions and social welfare provisions commitments under the existent tax system. They do not account for the private pensions shortfalls.

The crisis most likely raised these costs by a significant percentage as pensions-poor households will be forced – in years to come – to rely more extensively on public system. Today’s younger workers will be paying for this through their taxes directly, while indirectly facing additional costs in terms of reductions in expected future benefits. Thirdly, international evidence clearly shows that younger workers entering their careers at the time of a recession experience on average depressed levels of life-time earnings and elevated levels of future unemployment.

It might fashionable today in the Irish media to talk about banks’ customers vs taxpayers squeeze in relation to the high cost of adjustable rate mortgages and trackers subsidization. The reality of our collective insolvency runs much deeper than the immediate crisis within the banking sector. Take a simple exercise in projecting future losses on life-time earnings for current generation of the 20-30 year-olds. On average, these workers could have expected their life-time earnings decline by 8-10 percent compared to those of workers entering the workforce outside a normal recession. At current average earnings, the overall life-time income losses that can be expected by the younger generation amount to some €145-180,000 in current value terms. Per Census data for 2006 population distribution, and using the CSO projected labour force participation rates through 2041, the above range implies a cumulative loss of earnings to the tune of €64-117 billion for the economy as a whole.

Pair these earnings losses for the younger generation with the wealth declines experienced by the middle-aged cohorts and the Lost Generations of Ireland are now on track to a full-blow intertemporal bankruptcy. Both, psychologically and economically, this is a truly disastrous legacy of the boom. And this legacy remains largely hidden behind the rhetoric of our politicians and the media pretending that the negative equity, the wealth destruction and the long-term consequences of the Great Recession will be gone once Ireland’s economy returns to growth. Truth is – the Lost Generations are already here. And they are us.

Box-out:

It appears that the euro zone authorities are frantically pushing through the latest magic bullet solution to the Euro area sovereign debt crisis – the promise of a banking license for the European Stabilization Mechanism (ESM) fund. As conceived, the ESM will have lending capacity severely restricted by the capital held. The banking license, it is argued, will allow the ESM to borrow cheap funds from the ECB (just as the commercial banks are currently doing) and lend these funds out into the distressed banking system for recapitalization of troubled banks. The theory goes that while the markets will not accept leveraging of the ESM capital in excess of ca 7:1, the ECB will have to lend to a ‘bank’ and this can raise the ESM total effective lending capacity from €500 billion to €1 trillion. The problem, of course, is that as with all other previous ‘magic bullet’ solutions, the latest idea is likely to have more disastrous unintended consequences than the original problem it tries to address. Under normal operations the ECB does not lend unlimited amounts to any given bank and when it does lend, the loans are less than 12 months in duration. Thus, should the ESM attempt to borrow via a banking license from the ECB, the entire euro area monetary system will become a farcical cover up for indirect and vast lending to the banks and the sovereigns of the euro zone. Hardly a hallmark of a responsible, and reputationally and legally well-run monetary policy.

28/3/2012: Sunday Times 25/3/2012 - Irish emigration curse

Below is the unedited version of my article for Sunday Times from 25/03/2012.

Last week, as Ireland and the world celebrated the St Patrick’s Day, close to fifteen hundred Irish residents, including close to a thousand of Irish nationals, have left this country. In all the celebratory public relations kitsch, no Irish official has bothered to remember those who are currently being driven out of their native and adopted homeland by the realities of our dire economic situation.

According to the latest CSO report – covering the period from 1987 through 2011, emigration from Ireland has hit a record high. In a year to April 2011 some 76,400 Irish residents have chosen to leave the country, against the previous high of 70,600 recorded in 1989. For the first time since 1990, emigration has surpassed the number of births.

Given the CSO methodology, it is highly probable that the above figures tell only a part of the story. Our official emigration statistics are based on the Quarterly National Household Survey, unlikely to cover with reasonable accuracy highly mobile and less likely to engage in official surveys younger households, especially those that moved to Ireland from East Central Europe.

For example, emigration numbers for Irish nationals rose 200% between 2008 and 2011, with steady increases recorded every year since the onset of the crisis. Over the same period of time, growth in emigration outflows of EU15 (ex-UK) nationals from Ireland peaked in 2008-2009 and halved since then. Prior to 2010, Irish nationals contributed between 0% and 10% of the total net migration numbers. By 2010 and 2011 this rose to 42% and 68% respectively. Meanwhile, the largest driver of net migration inflows prior to the crisis - EU12 states nationals - were the source of the largest emigration outflows in 2009, but their share of net outflows has fallen to 39% and 13% in 2010 and 2011 respectively. There were no corresponding shifts in Irish and non-Irish nationals’ shares on the Live Register. In other words, unemployment data for non-Nationals does not appear to collaborate the official emigration statistics, most likely reflecting some significant under-reporting of actual emigration rates for EU12 and other non-EU nationals.

There are more worrisome facts that point to a dramatic change in the migration flows in recent years. Back in 2004-2007 there were a number of boisterous reports issued by banks and stockbrokerages that claimed that Irish population and migration dynamics were driving significant and long-term sustainable growth into the Irish economy. The so-called demographic dividend, we were told, was the vote of confidence in the future of this economy, the driver of demand for property and investment, savings and consumption.

In 2006, one illustrious stockbrokerage research outfit produced the following conclusions: “The population [of Ireland] is forecast to reach 5 million in 2015… The labour force is projected to grow at an annual average 2.2% over the whole period 2005 to 2015. Combined with sustained 3% annual growth in productivity, this suggests the underlying potential real rate of growth in Irish GDP in the five years to 2010 could be close to 5.75%. Between 2011 and 2015, the potential GDP growth rate could cool down to around 5%.”

Since the onset of the crisis, however, the ‘dividend’ has turned into a loss, as I predicted back in 2006 in response to the aforementioned report publication. People tend to follow opportunities, not stick around in a hope of old-age pay-outs on having kids. In 2009, only 33% of new holders of PPS numbers were employed. Back in 2004 that number was 68%. Amazingly, only one third of those who moved to Ireland in 2004-2007 were still in employment in 2009. Almost half of those who came here in 2008 had no employment activity in the last 2 years on record (2008 and 2009) and for those who came here in 2009 the figure was two thirds.

In more simple terms, prior to the crisis, majority (up to 68%) of those who came here did so to work. Now (at least in 2009 – the last year we have official record for) only one third did the same. It is not only the gross emigration of the Nationals and Non-Nationals that is working against Ireland today. Instead, the changes in employability of Non-Nationals who continue to move into Ireland are compounding the overall cost of emigration.

In order to assess these costs, let us first consider the evidence on net emigration in excess of immigration. In every year – pre-crisis and since 2008, there were both simultaneous inflows and outflows of people to and from Ireland. In 2006, the number of people immigrating into Ireland was above the number of people emigrating from Ireland by 71,800. Last year, there was net emigration of 34,100. Between 2009 and 2011, some 76,400 more people left Ireland than moved here.

Assuming that 2004-2007 period was the period of ‘demographic dividend’, total net outflows of people from the country in the period since 2008 through 2011 compared to the pre-crisis migration trend is 203,400 people. In other words, were the ‘demographic dividend’ continued at the rates of 2004-2007 unabated through the years of the current crisis, working population addition to Ireland from net migration would have been around 2/3rds of 203,400 net migrants or roughly 136,000 people. Based on the latest average earnings of €689.54 per week, recorded in Q4 2011, and an extremely conservative value added multiplier of 2.5 times earnings, the total cost of the ‘demographic losses’ arising from emigration can be close to 8% of our GDP. And that is before we factor in substantial costs of keeping a small army of immigrants on the Live Register. Some dividend this is.

This is only the tip of an iceberg, when it comes to capturing the economic costs of emigration as the estimates above ignore some other, for now unquantifiable losses, that are still working through the system.

In recent years, Ireland experienced a small, but noticeable baby boom. In 2007-2007, the average annual number of births in Ireland stood at just below 60,000. During 2009-2011 period that number rose by almost 25%. 2011 marked the record year of births in Ireland since 1987 – at 75,100. In the environment of high unemployment, elevated birth rates can act to actually temporarily moderate overall emigration, since maternity benefits are not generally transferable from Ireland to other countries, especially the countries outside the EU. Even when these benefits do transfer with families, new host country benefits replacement may be much lower than the benefits in Ireland. Which, of course, means that a number of emigrants from Ireland can be temporarily under-reported until that time when the maternity benefits run their course and spouses reunite abroad.

Even absent the above lags and reporting errors, net migration is now running close to its historic high. In 2011, there were total net emigration of 34,100 from Ireland against 34,500 in 2010. These represent the second and the first highest rates of net emigration since 1990.

At this stage, it is pretty much irrelevant – from the policy debate point of view – whether or not emigrants are leaving this country because they are forced to do so by the jobs losses or are compelled to make such a choice because of their perceptions of the potential for having a future in Ireland. And it is wholly academic as to whether or not these people have any intentions of returning at some point in their lives. What matters is that Ireland is once again a large-scale exporter of skills, talents and productive capacity of hundreds of thousands of people. The dividend is now exhausted, replaced by a massive economic, not to mention personal, social, and political costs that come along with the Government policies that see massive scale emigration as a ‘safety valve’ and/or ‘personal choice’.

Charts:

Box-out:

On 14^th of March, Governor of the Central Bank of Ireland, Professor Honohan has told Limerick Law Society that Irish banks should be less inhibited about repossessing properties held against investment or buy-to-let mortgages. This conjecture cuts across a number of points, ranging from the capital implications of accelerated foreclosures to economic risks. However, one little known set of facts casts an even darker shadow over the banks capacity to what professor Honohan suggests they should. All of the core banking institutions in the country currently run large scale undertakings relating to covered bonds and securitizations they issued prior to 2008 crisis. Since 2008, the combination of falling credit ratings for the banks and accumulation of arrears in the mortgages accounts has meant that the banks were forced to increase the collateral held in the asset pools that back the bonds. In the case of just one Irish bank this over-collateralization increased by 60% in the last 4 years. This is done in order to increase security of the Covered Bond pool for the benefit of the Bondholders and is achieved by transferring additional mortgages into the pool. In just one year to December 2011, the said bank transferred over 26,000 new mortgages into one such pool. As the result of this, the bank can face restrictions and/or additional costs were it to foreclose on the mortgages within the pool. Things are even worse than that. In many cases, banks now hold mortgages that had their principal value pledged as a collateral in one vehicle while interest payments they generate has been collateralized through a separate vehicle. The mortgage itself can potentially even be double-collateralized into the security pool as described above. The big questions for the Central Bank in this context are: 1) Can the banks legally foreclose on such loans? and 2) Do the banks have sufficient capital and new collateral to cover the shortfalls arising from foreclosing mortgages without undermining Covered Bonds security?

14/1/2012: Irish banking crisis - on a road to nowhere

This is an unedited version of my Sunday Times article from January 8, 2012.

In the theoretical world of Irish banking reforms, 2012 is supposed to be the halfway marker for delivering on structural change. Almost a year into the process, banks are yet to meet close to 70% of their total deleveraging targets, SMEs are yet to see any improvements in credit supply, households are yet to be offered any supports to reduce their unsustainable debt burdens, longer-term strategic plans reflective of the banks new business models, now approved by the EU not once, but twice are yet to be operationalized, and funding models are yet to be transitioned off the ECB dependency.

In the period since publication of the banking sector reforms proposals, total banks core and non-core assets disposals are running at some €14 billion of the €70 billion to be achieved by the end of 2013. Even this lacklustre performance was heavily concentrated in the first nine months of 2011, when few of Irish banks competitors were engaging in similar assets sales.

Since then, things have changed. Plans by the euro area banking institutions, already announced in Q4, suggest that some €775 billion worth of euro area banks’ assets will come up for sale in 2012. That is more than 8.5 times the volumes of assets disposals achieved in 2011. And 2012 is just the tip of the proverbial iceberg. According to the Morgan Stanley research, 2012-2013 can see some €1.5-2.5 trillion worth of banks assets hitting the markets. With 2012 starting with clear ‘risk-off’ signals from the sovereign bond markets and banks equities valuations, the near term future for Irish banks deleveraging plans can be described as bleak at best.

Further ahead, the process of rebuilding capital buffers, in both quantity and quality, can take core euro zone banks a good part of current decade to achieve. In this context, Irish banks deleveraging targets are grossly off the mark when it comes to timing and recovery rates expectations.

Progress achieved to-date leaves at least €35-40 billion in new assets disposals to be completed in 2012 – two-and-a-half times the rate of 2011. The two Pillars of Irish banking alongside the IL&P are now facing an impossible dilemma: either the banks meet their regulatory targets by the end of 2013, which will require deeper haircuts on assets and thus higher crystallized losses, or the 2013 deleveraging deadline is bust. In other words, Irish banks have a choice to make between having to potentially go to the Government for more capital or suffer a reputational cost of delaying, if not derailing altogether, the reforms timetable.

This is already reflected in the negative outlook and lower ratings given by S&P to AIB last month. The rating agency stressed their expectation of the slowdown in assets deleveraging in 2012 as one key rationale for the latest downgrades. Post-recapitalization in July, AIB core Tier 1 regulatory capital ratios stood at a massive 22%, the fact much lauded by the Irish authorities. However, per S&P “AIB’s capital ratio… will be between 5.5% ad 6.5% by 2013” due to materially “higher risk weights [on] capital, estimated deleveraging costs, as well as further capital erosion from the core business”.

Bank of Ireland finds itself in a better position, but, unlike AIB, it has much smaller capital reserves to call upon in the case of shortfall on July 2011 recapitalization funds.

Another area of concern for Irish banking sector relates to funding. Central Bank stress tests (PCAR) carried out in March 2011 assumed that by the end of 2013 Irish banking institutions will be funded on commercial terms. This too is subject to significant uncertainty as euro area banks enter a period of rapid bonds roll-overs in 2012-2014. Overall, the sector will face ca €700 billion of bonds maturing in 2012 and total senior debt maturing in 2012-2014 amounts to close to €2.2 trillion once ECB’s latest 3-year long term refinancing facility is factored in. For comparison, in 11 months through November 2011, euro area banks have managed to raise less than €350 billion in capital instruments, and various senior bonds. Again, international environment does not provide any grounds for optimism about Irish banks ability to decouple themselves from the ECB supply of funds.

In the short run, Irish Pillar Banks dependency on central banks’ funding is a net subsidy to their bottom line, as central banks credit lines come at a fraction of the expected cost of raising funds in the marketplace. This makes it possible for the banks to sustain their extend-and-pretend approach toward retail borrowers.

However, in the longer term, reliance on this funding represents major risks of maturity mismatch and sudden liquidity stops. The latest data clearly shows that the major risk of Irish banking sector becoming fully dependent on ECB as the core source of funding is now a reality. Reductions in the emergency liquidity assistance loans extended by the Central Bank of Ireland are now matched by increases in ECB lending to these banks. A recent research paper from the New York Federal Reserve shows that Irish banks continue to account for the largest proportion of all loans extended by the ECB to the banking systems of the euro area ‘periphery’.

Lacking functional banking sector, in turn, puts a boot into Government’s plans to use reforms as the vehicle for reversing credit supply contraction that has been running uninterrupted since 2008.

Another major risk inherent in the Irish banks’ funding and capital dependencies on Central Banks and the Government is the risk that having delayed for years the necessary processes of restructuring household debts, the banks can find themselves in the dire need of calling in the negative equity loans. This can happen if the Irish banking sector were to be left lingering in its quasi-transformed shape when ECB decides to pull the plug on extraordinary liquidity supply measures it deployed. While such a prospect might be 2-3 years away, it is only a matter of time before this threat becomes a reality and the very possibility of such eventuality should breath fear into the ranks of Ireland’s politicians.

As the current reforms stand, the sector will not be able to provide significant protection against the ECB policies reversal, even if the Central Bank-planned reforms are completed on time. The reason for this is simple. Our twin Pillar banks will be facing – over 2013-2018 – a rising tide of mortgages defaults and voluntary property surrenders, as well as continued mounting corporate loans losses as the economy undergoes a lengthy and painful debt overhang correction, consistent with the historical evidence of similar balance sheet recession.

While the capital for writing these assets down might have been at least in part supplied under PCAR 2011, the banks have no means of managing any added risks that might emerge alongside the mortgages defaults, such as, for example, the risk of their cost of funding rising from the current 1 percent under the ECB mandate to, say, 6 or 7 percent that private markets might charge.

For all the plans for banking reforms proclaimed for 2012 by the Central Bank and the Government, in all likelihood, this year is going to see more mounting corporate and household loans writedowns, amidst the continuation of the extend-and-pretend policies by the banks. The longer this process of delaying losses realization continues, the less viable the remaining banks assets become. And with them, the lower will be the credit supplied into the real economy already starved of investment and funding.

Box-out:

Irish banking sector structure envisioned under the Government reforms plans will not be conducive to an orderly deleveraging of the real economy and simultaneous repairing of the banks balance sheets. Sectoral concentration, in part driven directly by the Government dictate, in part by the massive subsidies provided to insolvent domestic banks, will see a colluding AIB & BOFI duopoly running circles around the regulators, supervisors and politicians.

How serious is this threat of the duopoly-induced markets distortions in post-reform Irish banking? Serious enough for the latest EU Commission statement on Bank of Ireland restructuring plans to devote significant space to outlining high-level set of subsidies that the Irish authorities are planning jointly with ECB.

No one as of yet noticed the irony of these latest amendments to the Government plans for the banking sector reforms: to undo the damaging effects of state subsidies to the incumbents, the EU and the Government will offer more subsidies to the potential newcomers. Such approach to policy would be comical, were it not designed explicitly to evade the real solution to the banking sector collapse in this country – a wholesale restructuring of the sector, that would have used insolvent banks’ performing assets as the basis for endowing new banking institutions to serve this economy.

3/1/2012: Are we really still 'filthy rich'?

Parts of Irish media love GDP per capita comparatives within the EU27. Years after the Celtic Tiger went belly up, the Irish Times and RTE and some (though not all) Left-of-Centre alternative media trumpet our allegedly stellar performance in this metric as the evidence that more should be taxed out of the 'rich' to pay for 'vital services'. Parts of international Right-of-Centre media still refer to these comparatives as the evidence of the 'Low Tax' Irish miracle at work. Both are missing the core point I have been raising over the last decade (since moving to Ireland, really): GDP is irrelevant metric for Irish economic well-being.

Take, for example, the following 'latests' data released last month by the eurostat. In 2010, Irish GDP per capita stood at 28 percent premium over EU27 average and at 18.5% premium over EA17 (euro area). This 'achievement' made us look like the third highest income economy in EU27, and the 5th highest earning population when Norway, Switzerland and Iceland are added into the equation. Our GDP per capita was ahead of Iceland (111% of the EU27 average) and was second only to Luxembourg and Netherlands. Even more significantly, although our standing compared to EU27 did drop from 133% in 2008 to 128% in 2009 and 2010, our rank did not change. We were the 3rd highest 'income' economy in per capita terms in 2008 and we were, allegedly, that in 2010.

Now, that claim alone should put a grain of doubt into the wheels of the 'spend more, tax more' machine here. Afterall, we, in Ireland, have experienced the worst recession on record in 2008-2010. And yet, the indicator is showing us doing 'Just Grrreat!'

Of course, we know that somewhere around 20% of the GDP is expatriated with little benefit to the economy by the MNCs. And shaving off these 20% off the 128% premium we allegedly possess leaves us with an approximate GNP-linked premium of 102% - just above Italy at 101%. This would rank Ireland as 12th highest income economy in EU27. But in addition, what GNP and GDP don't measure and yet all of us know, Ireland's cost of living is well ahead of the EU27 average. Which means that while nominally we might earn slightly more than the average European, in terms of what these earnings buy us we should be much further behind. The alleged 'competitiveness gains' so much lauded by the Government help, but they shouldn't make as much of a difference to consumers, since these gains are primarily adversely impacting their earnings, not the cost of things we spend our money on. Deflation in the private sectors of economy over the last 3 years has been matched by inflation in the State-controlled sectors.

So the eurostat, handily, reports another metric of real incomes and wellbeing in the state - the Actual Individual Consumption per Capita - a measure that takes into account both public and private sources of individual consumption. And here, folks, we are much less of a 'high achiever'. In 2010 Irish AIC was 102% of the EU27 average - exactly where it should be once we control GDp for GDP/GNP gap. Which makes us 13-14th highest ranked economy in EU27. Or in other words, an average performer. Worse than that, our performance here was on par with italy (102%) and just 1 percentage point ahead of Greece. Barring the PIIGS we were the worst performing economy in the group of advanced EU27 member states.

And rebasing the data to compare against the EA17 average (euro area average) shows things are pretty much dire in Ireland. Back in 2008 we had AIC of 102% of the EA17 average. that fell to 96% in 2009 and 95% in 2008. This 7 percentage points drop in ireland's relative standing is the worst of all EA17 states. For comparison, in Greece the decline was 3 percentage points. Chart below illustrates:

Now, there's a chart RTE and Irish Times won't show you. And not only because it requires doing some research in the form of recalibrating the data, but because it won't fit the philosophy of 'Ireland is Still Rich. Tax Ireland!' that both outfits are so keen supporting.