OECD report blasts Irish policies

Now, that the FT busted out the OECD report released today, I can do the same. I gave it a quick preview in this yesterday's post (here) so now let's get down to the details.

Here is what I said about it's findings yesterday:
"...compared to other developed countries around the world, Ireland finds itself as:

• the worst economically governed in the world;
• in deepest trouble when it comes to housing markets declines to date;
• the country that is applying all the wrong (uniquely Irish) remedies to its fiscal problems; and
• the country that is least well positioned to come out of this recession any time soon."

In effect, OECD's report, that does not focus on Ireland alone, provides a somber assessment of Irish Government policies, exposing their complete and total failure in addressing the crisis to date. And here are the actual details per each point.

Point 1: The worst economic governance in the world:
Table 3.4:
So per the above numbers:

• Ireland has the fastest rising debt in the OECD;
  
• Ireland has the worst primary imbalances in the OECD. The US is catching up in 2010 projections, though the cumulative impact of primary imbalances over 2008-2010 will still remain the highest in Ireland (by over 1% point). Furthermore, the US imbalances are sourced from rapid fiscal spending expansion - wasteful, but nonetheless stimulative, while Irish primary imbalances arise from over bloated current expenditure - the purest form of public sector waste of all;
• Ireland has the highest fiscal gap in the OECD in both 2008 outrun and 2010 projections.

Next, move up to Figure 3.3 (below) which shows that we have blown fiscal spending policies not on healthcare or long-term care provisions, but on something else.
Ireland is managing to achieve the third highest projected spending rises through 2050 of all OECD states (after catch-up Korea and Greece), but lions share of that is being consumed by growth in pensions exposure. Why? How else do you think are we supposed to pay for Rolls-Royce pensions provisions in the public sector?

Point 2: Ireland is applying the uniquely wrong measures to addressing our fiscal and economic problems:
This is a point that links to point 1 above, so let us deal with it now. Table 3.2 below gives the data on different measures and their incidences and impact on the sectors of economy as adopted by various OECD governments.
Ireland clearly stands out here as:

• The only OECD country that, unconstrained by the IMF austerity measures, is facing a rising burden of the state (positive net effect of fiscal austerity for 2008-2010 period);
• One of only three OECD countries (Italy and Mexico being in our company) that is raising taxes (and here we are facing tax increases that are 12 times more severe than Italy and over 4 times more severe than Mexico, before the April 7 Mini-Budget hammers us even more);
• One of only two countries (Iceland being another country, but it is constrained by the IMF conditions) to raise individual taxes (our tax increases are twice those of Iceland). What is even more insulting is that our individual tax increases are by far the biggest source of fiscal burden of all other fiscal policies Messr Cowen and Lenihan are willing to adopt;
• One of only 3 countries (the IMF-constrained Hungary, and Italy being the other two) that is raising consumption taxes, with increased consumption tax burden being 5 times greater in Ireland than in Italy;
• A country with the heaviest burden of fiscal policies on households - with combined effect of individual, social security and consumption tax increases of +3.7% - 12 times the rate of tax burden increases in Italy and almost 4 times the rate of total household tax burden increases in Iceland and Hungary;
• Our fiscal expenditure measures are second worst only to IMF-constrained Iceland.
  

Figure 3.2 below illustrates, although one has to remember that Israel scores next to us because it actually has rising tax revenue and is facing the unwinding of some of the exceptional spending that occurs during military campaigns.
Another interesting aspect of the OECD findings relates to the sources of our fiscal imbalances. Figure 3.1 shows these:
Notice that according to the OECD chart, the cyclical component of the debt increases for 2008-2010 is only roughly 26% of the entire debt levels. The ESRI (see here) says it should be around 50%. I estimated (here) that it should be around 21% (here).

Point 3: The scope for recovery:
According to the OECD "On this basis, the countries with most scope for fiscal manoeuvre would appear to be Germany, Canada, Australia, Netherlands, Switzerland, Korea and some of the Nordic countries. Conversely, countries where the scope for fiscal stimulus is very limited would include Japan, Italy, Greece, Iceland and Ireland." We are in a good company here, indeed.

Point 4: Housing troubles:
Finally, Table 1.2 below illustrates my housing crisis point.
Yes, no comment needed here.

Private Sector credit supply is being damaged by this Government

A recent working paper from the European Central Bank, titled "Modelling Loans to Non-Financial Corporations in the Euro Area" (ECB WP No 989/January 2009) provided a benchmark model for assessing the impact of twin shocks of increase in the policy rate (ECB main interest rate) and increase in the banking system risk premium on the supply of credit to non-financial corporations across the Eurozone. The authors, Christoffer Kok Sørensen, David Marqués Ibáñez and Carlotta Rossi showed that a 25bps increase in the headline interest rate "causes a reduction in bank lending of about 1.4%, 5.4% and 6.4% after 2, 5 and 10 years, respectively. A 20bp increase in the risk premium on bank lending rate reduces bank lending to non-financial corporations by about 0.6%, 4.0% and 5.1% after 2, 5 and 10 years, respectively."

Of course, the first experiment coincides fully with the ECB's reckless 25bps hike in rates between June 2007 and October 2008. The second, however, is even more dramatically important from the point of view of private credit availability. Between August 2007 and today, Irish bank's risk premia on lending to the banks has risen by some 300%, implying, under the ECB model, an expected drop in the credit supply to Irish non-financial corporations of ca 9-11% in 2009-2010, rising to a whooping 75-99% between 2009-2018.

Alternatively, between December 2008 and today, the average weekly CDS spreads on Irish Government bonds have risen some 160bps. Given our state's exposure to banks debts, this is a comparatively reasonable measure of the overall increase in the risk premium on banks lending. Thus, within the span of only 3.5 months, our expected credit supply to non-financial corporations has fallen by the estimated 5-6% for the period 2009-2010, 30-35% for the period of 2009-2013 and by 40-47% for the period of 2009-2018.

As I always said, Mr Lenihan should stop blaming the Americans for this crisis. And he should stop saying that there is no cost to the broader economy from his rushed general debt guarantee to the banks. Instead he should look at his Government's fiscal imbalances, wobbling decisions on financial sector rescue, blanket and unsustainable guarantees to the banks, appeasement of trade unions at the expense of the taxpayers, destruction of the private sector via higher taxation and charges, etc - in other words all the policies that undermine international markets' confidence in Ireland Inc. His policies, responsible directly for the rising risk premium on Irish Government debt are also destroying the private credit markets here. Not only today, but well into the future.

Daily Economics Update 20/03/2009 - II

Ireland

Retail Sales volume decreases by 20.4% in January 2009 relative to a year ago, per CSO report out today. In monthly terms, index fell 9.4%. Mad numbers. And the things are going only to get worse, given the inept, virtually economically illiterate policies this Government has been putting out to date. Motor trades collapsed by 42.2% in January 2009 - in part due to tax hikes in October, in part due to VRT and road tax changes by the Greens, and to a large extent due to income uncertainty being hammered by the additional uncertainty as to the tax hikes the Government is planning to inflict on this already devastated economy. Ex-motor trade the volume of retail sales decreased by 8.1% in January 2009 compared to January 2008 and the monthly change was -0.1%. The value of retail sales decreased by 19.9% in January 2009 compared to January 2008 and decreased by 10.0% in the month. These are the largest annual decreases on record (1974 for volume record, 1962 for value).

Food, beverages & tobacco were down -11.6% in volume and -8.2% in value annually. These are inelastic demand articles, showing the full extent of consumers taking their business out of the Brian^2+Mary-devastated Ireland to the North and the Continent. Virtually every category of durable goods - goods that can be purchased up North and brought back to Ireland - is showing decreases in the 20-30% range. This is the real cost of Government's incompetence and the real indication that for all the wishful thinking our pro-tax-and-spend economists (in academe and SIPTU/ICTU) might deploy arguing that higher VAT will produce higher revenue, the reality of raising VAT (or income tax, for that matter) in terms of Exchequer revenue is going to be brutally contrarian.

Check other commentators' view - here Gerard O'Neill's blog on the topic, comparing the situation to "economic bungee jumping without the bungee". Well put! And here is another good comment worth reading.

Myles' post links to a report produced by the Office of the Revenue Commissioners and the CSO in February 2009, desperately trying to explain away the price differentials between the Republic and NI by all possible means other than those that put blame at the feet of the Government. Myles cuts past the bull&castle stuff in the report and, I think, correctly places most of the blame on the Government policies of squeezing consumers out of their earnings. But the linked report is fun. Fun, because it had to rely on, wait, other Government reports (e.g. June 2008 report by that illustrious data collection and analysis organization - the National Consumer Agency - that wouldn't know a data point if it jumped out of the hedge and bit it, and December 2008 Forfas report that was so poorly prepared and sampled that it was rubbished by several subsequent responses to it, including some from the objective/disinterested organizations and individuals). So I do encourage you to read through the report that Myles links in his blog - it is a good example of self-referential work being done by Government agencies.

Also per CSO release, the number of dwelling units approved was down 22.4% in year to the end of Q4 2008. In Q4 2008, planning permissions were granted for 10,375 houses as opposed to 13,135 in the Q4 2007, a decrease of 21%. Only 3,392 planning permissions were granted for apartment units, compared with 4,598 in Q4 2007, a decrease of 26.2%. The total number of planning permissions granted for all developments was 8,977, as compared to 12,330 in Q4 2007, a decrease of 27.2%. Dire stuff once again. I will do the detailed analysis of the sectoral decline dynamics in a follow up to this post.

Oh, and here is a pearl: Industrial wars are heating up... This is from IFUT - "a professional association and union representing over 1400 staff in third-level institutions" (hat tip to an Anonymous)

"Subject: BALLOT FOR INDUSTRIAL ACTION
I wish to advise you that the Ballot for Industrial Action was counted today and the following is the result:

Total Ballots Cast: 737

Those in Favour: 499 - 67.7%

Those Against: 237 - 32.3%

Spoiled Votes: 1

Therefore, the majority in favour being above the minimum set out in Rule 16 (b) (ii) we are authorised to participate in the ICTU National One-Day Stoppage scheduled for 30 March 2009..." blah-blah-blah, signed by the General Secretary of IFUT.

Note that per IFUT own website, there are over 1,400 members in this organization. Assuming the vote count reported is correct and that IFUT's rounding rules are the same as those holding for the rest of humanity, the ballot was passed with just 35-36% of the total number of eligible voters on a turnout of just above 50%. Hmmm... without a doubt - a mass-movement, supported by popular outrage against the Government.

US
According to the latest data from the US Treasury Department (here) the US public debt just passed $11 trillion. Chart below (courtesy Seeking Alpha - here) illustrates.
If you think Obamanomics will be the New Bill Clinton era, think again - more than $2trillion worth of new US bonds to be issued this year alone is going to see this chart shooting for $13trillion mark by the end of 2009. Thereafter? The sky is the limit.

Although dollar is currently trading on the upside (0.41%) to the euro, given the US public debt trajectory and factoring in the aggressive quantitative easing by the Fed, it is hard to see how the green buck can stay below $1.45-1.47/1euro range...

To update you on General Electric figures concerning GE Capital's (alleged) rude health, here is a link to investor presentation.

An interesting (and pioneering) case is developing in the US: the battle-ravaged AIG filed a lawsuit against Countrywide Financial Corp - one of the largest issuers of MBS. The lawsuit alleges the mortgage lender misrepresented the underwriting standard of loans that the AIG unit insured. The claim is that mortgages packages insured by AIG either violated Countrywide’s own guidelines or contained defects. Surely this paves the road to European insurers to sue mortgage providers and MBS-issuers. The big question for Irish financials is now - how soon can this wave of liabilities reach our own shores?

A Georgia-based FirstCity Bank was closed by the US regulators today, marking the 18th bank failure of 2009. Regulators also shut down some US credit unions with assets of up to $57bn.

A wish list: asking for the right policies

For those of you who missed it, here is my take on Mr Cowen's White House visit - an unedited version of the article in yesterday's Irish Daily Mail.


There is always much ado about the Taoiseach’s visit to the White House on St Patrick’s Day. And yet, for all the opportunities such occasions present, it is only in rare instances of major crises, either North or South of the Border, that any meaningful discussions take place. Well, it is the Annual Shamrock Presentation Ceremony today and we are in a crisis of monumental proportions. So, within the context of the long-running tradition of crisis requests, what exactly should Brian Cowen be asking of Barack Obama today?

First and foremost, a flight of fancy - he should ask for the US to allow Ireland to adopt the dollar as our currency. What a prospect that would be. Set at roughly $0.80-0.85 to 1 euro at conversion, the dollarization would lead to an instantaneous and adequate repricing of our labour, business and capital costs to ensure that these are reflective of our true productivity and real inefficiencies. It would also allow us to fall into the US interest rates regime which is much closer to our real economy’s need than the Germany-focused ECB rates can ever be.

As a side benefit, dollarization would bring our real per capita income in line with that of the median US State – a slightly optimistic valuation, given our lower standard of living. But a good starting point for bringing a sense of reality to our political elites who still believe that we are all fat kittens of the Celtic Tiger when it comes to taxing our incomes.

Too drastic? Indeed, I hear the protests already from the Department of Foreign Affairs. When I asked a senior Irish academic as to what his top priority for the White House visit would be, his reply was: 'Number one? A statehood for Ireland or something similar to the Puerto Rico model!' Now, that might be going a bit too far.

Humour aside, we can restore Irish competitiveness through an alternative, much longer and more painful process of deflating our real wages and cutting excessive fat in the public sector spending. Instead of dollarization-induced devaluation, we can opt for a, say, 30% cut in public sector wages, plus a 20% cut in public sector employment numbers, leading to a ca 40% cut in the Government’s current expenditure. Add to this some 20% cut in the private sector average earnings (by now we are almost half way there in real terms), and we will be on the road to a recovery.

Mr Cowen should also ask the US to fully open bilateral labour and capital markets with Ireland.

In practical terms, the former would imply Brian Cowen announcing today that any US citizen or legal resident can work and reside in Ireland without any restrictions. Following this unilateral opening,the Taoiseach should ask President Obama to reciprocate by opening up the US labour market to Irish citizens and residents.

As a side-benefit, we can also open our education systems to students from both countries, guaranteeing that American students coming to undertake their degree studies in Ireland will face EU resident tuition rates, while Irish students traveling to study in the US will have access to the same merit-based study grants and tuition as US students.

While a less dramatic broadening of the work visa regime is likely to be acceptable for Mr Obama, Ireland should stake a more ambitious goal of achieving a fully mobile labour flow between the two countries.

Extending this mobility to education will make it possible for Ireland to become a real player in international knowledge economics and give us a significant competitive advantage over our EU counterparts. In effect, the UK is already enjoying relatively free mobility of its students when it comes to top US universities, with the likes of University of Chicago even opening a campus there. For Ireland to be able to supply a better educated labour force than that of our closest neighbour, and to compete globally for best students, Brian Cowen needs to either bring about strong incentives for US universities to set up their European campuses here, or to gain access for our best students to US education system, or both.

In capital markets, we should aim to maximally align our regulatory standards while preserving Irish competitive advantage in the area of taxation. Of course, President Obama might have a question or two about our corporate tax regime, especially when it comes to the repatriation of FDI-generated profits. Brian Cowen should stand firm on the issue, asking the White House to exempt Ireland from any forthcoming legislation aiming to restrict US multinationals’ ability to book overseas profits.

During his election campaign, Mr Obama made some sweeping statements about the role played by the ‘temporary’ tax exemptions for corporate profits earned outside the US in fueling the drive for ‘outsourcing of American jobs’ to other countries, including Ireland. This is misguided from the US economy’s perspective, and extremely dangerous from the point of view of Ireland. Mr Cowen can do the US and Ireland a favour by reminding President Obama that higher value activities in the US operations (e.g R&D, managerial innovation, marketing and sales) depend crucially on companies ability to access restricted markets of Europe including via Irish operations.

In exchange, as a goodwill gesture and, coincidentally, to the benefit of our own traded services sector, Mr Cowen should promise President Obama to veto all and any EU proposals for unified international financial regulation. This is something that the US Administration opposes because of the threat such bureaucratization poses to the largest services sector in the world. Incidentally, this is also something Ireland should oppose if we were to retain and expand our competitive position in the sector.

Closely linked to this should be a request to extend US accountancy and governance rules to Irish plcs. Think of the benefits that Securities and Exchange Commission (SEC) oversight and law enforcement would have brought to the Anglo Irish Bank shenanigans or to the financial acrobatics at the Irish Nationwide and the IL&P? In the wake of the latest annual results publication, only SEC had the guts to question AIB’s bad debt provisions.

Think of the savings to the Exchequer and the gains to regulatory efficiency that this country would have achieved were our regulators acting under the US conditions. Of course, Mr Cowen might suggest that Ireland and the US also jointly do something about restricting careless lending practices by the banks in the future and limit the excessive risk-adjusted gearing in the countries’ financial systems.

Mr Cowen might also ask President Obama to extend his latest US Federal Government pay containment measures to Ireland. In fact, Mr Cowen can benchmark our public sector wages to those in the US – starting with a ca 60% cut of his own and Cabinet’s salaries. Our senior regulators and civil servants can also enjoy US-comparable earnings at a ca40-50% discount to their current wages.

Lastly, as a personal favour, I would like Mr Cowen to ask the US President to place a limit on the number of Irish public and local authorities officials flying to the US for St Patrick's Day celebrations and to impose a strict limit on FAS’ spending during its visits to NASA, Disneyland and Sea World in the future. As vital as these locations might be to generating future employment for numerous Irish astronauts, aquarium minders and fantasy castles managers, we are, after all, in a crisis. Time to slim down and get fitter. Presenting shamrocks and drawing pints will have to wait.

What if interest rates rise?

Just to stake some forward looking ground - here is a quick thought.

While we are preoccupied with the current crises, one has to wonder what the future might hold. Consider the following scenario.

Mid-2010 and German economy recovers slightly ahead of the rest of the Eurozone. Why? Because Germany is more exposed to global growth and thus will respond to renewed global demand for investment and consumer goods; and because German consumption has been suppressed since the mid 1990s, creating a significant domestic demand overhang. The ECB's response will be to immediately raise interest rates.

Of course, prior to German recovery, Manufacturing Purchasing Indices and other leading indicators will be flashing red for some time, prompting an earlier rise in interest rates in early 2010. So, say, Eurozone enters 2010 with 0.5-0.75% rate, goes to 1.0-1.25% by June 2010 and jumps to 2.0-2.25% by the end of 2010.

What happens then? Ireland, will by now have much higher taxes (three-tier rates structure of 25%, 48% and 52%), much lower standard deductions and standard rate ceiling, with higher PRSI and pensions tax relief at a standard rate. This will mean that before ECB rates hikes, our mortgages burden will be on par with those that prevailed at the onset of the crisis, but against a backdrop of lower disposable income. Now, as interest rates revert to rising, the burden of debt will start climbing up against decimated household incomes. Homeowners, with savings exhausted during the 2009-2010 downturn will be feeling more heat than they do today. Foreclosures will rise and personal insolvencies will go sky high. Consumption will remain suppressed, but this time, there will be no boost in savings. Ireland Inc might suffer a complete fall-out of the growth re-start.

An example
Here are some numbers. Assume we take a family with Q1 2008 after-tax income of €100 and a mortgage burden of €35 (35% of the after-tax income). By Q1 2009, due to falling interest rates, this family's mortgage costs will have fallen 26% (roughly 10% per each 1% fall in ECB rates). At the same time, the family income has declined to €91 due to increased taxation (Budget 2009) and recession. In Q1 2009, family mortgage burden was €26 or 28.5% of the disposable income.

Now, assume we are in Q4 2009 and recession continues and Mr Lenihan has stuck to his promises and raided the family income to 25-48-52% tax rates outlined above). The family after-tax disposable income now stands at €82, while the ECB has lowered the rate to 0.75% from current 1.50%. The family is now paying €24 in mortgage which constitutes a mortgage burden of 29.25% of the family income.

We go to Q1 2010 next. Recession and Mr Lenihan keep on robbing the family of income, so its after-tax take home pay is now €79.5. But due to advance leading indicators flashing recovery for Germany, the ECB tightens the rates a notch to 1.0%. Family mortgage burden jumps to 31% as the twin blades of higher taxes and interest rates inflict two simultaneous cuts to household's spending power.

On to Q4 2010. Things are going swimmingly in Berlin, so the ECB races with rates increases. We have three scenarios:

Scenario 1: relative stagnation in Ireland - so our income remains at €79, while German expansion drives rates to 1.75%. Irish family's mortgage burden jumps to 33.4% of the disposable income.

Scenario 2: recession in Ireland continues, with income falling to €76, while more mild German expansion drives the ECB to raise rates to 1.5%. Irish family's mortgage burden jumps to 34%.

Scenario 3: recovery shines upon Ireland and our income rises to €80, while rapid growth in Germany drives rates up to 2.25%. Our family's mortgage repayment burden is now at 36% of the disposable after-tax income.

Conclusion
May be Alan Ahearne, in his new capacity, can tell Minister Lenihan this much? Or anyone from a myriad of our vociferous social-democratic economists, begging the Government today to raise taxes. Little hope. His (and their) policy advice to date has been pretty much in line with the Government's efforts to demolish private sector workers in order to save public sector jobs. Then again, neither Ahearne, no Lenihan will be losing much sleep over ordinary families who will be unable to stay afloat in this WunderWorld of richly rewarded public sector and impoverished private sector workers that they are creating.

Recession? Raise taxes. Public finance busting at the seams? Raise taxes. Unemployment? Raise taxes. Public sector inefficiencies? Raise taxes. Exports plunging? Raise taxes. Banks falling off the cliff? Raise taxes. And always blame the outside world for any trouble we might land ourselves into. Classic economic problems with uniquely Irish responses.

"Pints!"

Market View: Lenihan's Cod Oil Sales Trip?

Weekly round up
We are in a thaw though don’t bet on this being a sign of global warming. The markets have shown some (to some not surprising) bounce in the latest (bear) rally. Across the world and here in Ireland. But the winter isn’t over, yet.

First where it all started from: the US. Some encouraging news:

• The U.S. trade deficit narrowed by 9.7% in January to $36bn, the lowest monthly gap since October 2002. This marks a sixth consecutive decline in the trade deficit, the first case of such extended contraction since the new data collection started in 1992. Oil and petroleum products deficit fell to $14.7bn in January, the lowest since September 2004. Trade deficit with China widened to $20.57bn relative to $20.31bn in the same month last year. Lower prices for inputs and commodities helped. In exports, main decreases were in the areas of capital goods and industrial goods – reflective of the global investment slowdown. Ditto in the area of imports (except that capital goods imports were down less than exports, suggesting companies continue to travel down the cost curve. Details here).
• US University of Michigan/Reuters consumer sentiment index notched up in March to 56.6 from 56.3 one month ago. While this beats analysts’ expectations (55.0), the improvement is hardly significant to signal any improvement in consumer spending and borrowing going forward. This is despite March being the first month of Obama’s massive stimulus plan – not exactly a ringing endorsement (for more on this see here)
  

So the last week came to be a somewhat bullish one with flat US Treasuries, low single-digit gains in commodities and a rally in stocks (up ca 10-14%) with commercial real estate-leading markets, like REITs. Up over 20%.
US Dollar has lost some ground on the Euro, further underlying markets desire to see continued strengthening of the US trade balance. In this beggar-thy-neighbour climate, good news for US is bad news for exports-driven Ireland.

Financials
JP Morgan and Morgan Stanley (first chart below) illustrate the rally for the financials. Most of the sector gains were probably due to rising levels of speculative news flow. If this is a signal of a renewed focus on balance sheet health, expect the rally to turn into a deep correction. Bank of America (BAC) – up some 85% during the week – is a case in point. There is no fundamentally new development, yet this week’s statements about improving outlook on profitability pushed the stock to the top of the financial shares (Citibank (C), Wells Fargo (WFC) etc) performance rankings. The second chart below illustrates, while highlighting the relatively poor performance of non-financials.

Irish Markets
Pretty much the same picture holds for Irish markets. Two of the three remaining banks led the positive momentum with few features of note:

1. Volumes were relatively weak (running at ca ½ of the 52-weeks daily averages);
2. IL&P underperformed (with the markets having little faith in the bank side of the insurer, as in the past);
3. Overall ISEQ posted a lacklustre performance for the week, signaling that the main concerns about Irish economy’s fundamentals are still there.
   

These are illustrated below and show continued theme of volatility around a relatively flat broad markets trend - something I predicted a month ago.
The above concerns, of course are to continue next week as well.

Ireland Inc Sales Pitch
It is now being rumored that Mr Lenihan is going on that 'road trip' to showcase Ireland to UK (and other international) investors. Here is a list of problems that I would put to him at such a sales meeting. All of these basically ask the same question - why would any investor expose herself to Ireland today.

1. Fiscal position: all the indications are that Minister Lenihan will opt for a ‘soft’ solution – raising taxes and refusing to inflict real cuts on the public sector. Thus, ‘savings’ on the current expenditure side will be pushed into 2011 or later as the Minister ‘cuts’ numbers through natural attrition. Taxes will hammer the economy today. Only an insanely naïve person can be convinced by such a strategy.
   
2. Corporate credit: debts problems continue to plague Irish companies, with more roll-overs and re-negotiations of the covenants. This will be compounded in weeks ahead by an accumulation of arrears to contractors and suppliers. Mini-Budget will spell a war of attrition between smaller services providers and larger contracting companies as the former struggle to extract payments in the environment where Messrs Lenihan and Cowen sneaking deeper into peoples' (and thus companies') pockets.
3. Corporate outlook: PE ratios are still too high for Ireland Inc, implying that there is more room for downgrades. In the US, there is more clarity as to the 2010 PE ratios supported by the markets, with a range in 15-20 perceived to be the top during the recovery part of the cycle (whenever this happens). So the expected downgrading room that is still remaining in, say S&P500 is -150 points or ca 20%. In Ireland, the same figures imply probably a range of sustainable 2010-2011 PE ratios of ca 10 (again assuming that we see some recovery starting in 2010 and companies actually living up to the idea of proper disclosure of losses and impairments – something that few of them have done to date). So the bottom line is that we can see ISEQ travelling all the way to 1,470-1,500 before hitting a sustainable U-turn, while IFin might be tumbling down to 200-215.
4. Earnings and demand are going to continue falling in months to come. Although much of this is already built into expectations, the actual numbers are not yet visible through the fog of corporate denial. Banks still lead in terms of balance sheets opacity and the Government is doing nothing less than destroying in a wholesale fashion private workers’ ability to stay afloat on mortgages repayment and consumption. Dividend yields are now poised to continue downward well into 2010 (optimistically) or even past 2011 (pessimistically). So any bottoming-out of the market will coincide with an on-set of an inverted J-styled recovery – we are not getting back to 4-5% long term growth trend once we come out of this recession. A poultry 2% would be a miracle and a Belgian-style 1.2-1.5% GDP growth over the long run is a more likely scenario.
5. Global growth for Ireland Inc is not going to be a magic bullet. The Government has wasted all chances of reforming the least productive sectors in this downturn and is hell-bent on protecting our excessively high cost base. This means we are unlikely to benefit from any serious global growth upturn.
6. Increased global reliance on Governments interventions is going to hurt Irish exports in the long run as national Governments will tend to reduce incentives for outsourcing, leading many MNCs to gradually unwind transfer pricing activities here in Ireland. There is absolutely no chance our Enterprise Ireland-sponsored companies are going to be able to take up the slack.
7. No recovery in Ireland will be possible until house prices and commercial real estate values stabilize and start improving. High debt, diminishing ability to repay existent loans (courtesy of Government raiding households finances to pay for waste in the public sector and a growing army of consultants – e.g Alan Ahearne & Co) all mean that there is no prospect for a return in house values growth until, possibly, well after 2013. Absent such a recovery, there will be no sustained rallies in other asset classes.
8. Finally, there is a psychological shift that is underway when it comes to Irish public perceptions of asset markets. This shift is now counter-positing a 40-50% decline in house prices against a 90% decline in most popular equity categories and a wipe-out of investors in nationalized (and potentially yet to be nationalized) banks. The return of a growth cycle is unlikely to trigger significant movement of households’ cash into Irish stocks. This will be further compounded by the aversion to leveraging and continued credit rationing (induced via new banking regulations and investor hysteresis).
   

So the conclusion is a simple one – Irish equities recovery is nowhere near becoming a reality. Expect further turbulence on a generally downward trajectory in weeks ahead, followed by a potential spike of misplaced short-term optimism in the wake of the mini-Budget. Once the investors work through the forthcoming Government decisions, it will be down again for ISE.

The real Golden Circle of Ireland Inc: Updated

An excellent letter today in the Irish Times by Myles Duffy (do see a link to his blog here) puts into perspective the real extent of Ireland's Golden Circle - reaching, cancer-like deep into our public service leadership. I have questioned in this blog on several occasions the competency of the CBFSAI. Now, as Myles puts it in his letter (linked here):

"When the governor of the Central Bank appeared before the Oireachtas Committee on Economic Regulatory Affairs, ...the committee was reminded that the governor is paid an annual salary of €348,000, a figure that reflects the voluntary reduction taken last October from the €368,000 that he had hitherto been paid.

It is interesting to compare the salary for this position with those whose influence on global economic affairs is absolutely pivotal and whose utterances and nuances greatly affect the world investment climate and the effectiveness of economic recovery initiatives.

The US Federal Reserve system consists of 12 federal reserve banks ...supported by the Federal Reserve Board based in Washington DC. The system as a whole employs almost 20,000 people and the board employs 2,053. The annual salary of the chairman of the Federal Reserve Board, Mr Ber Bernanke, is $191,300 (€150,000), and was approved by the US Congress in February 2008.

The president of the European Central Bank, M Jean-Claude Trichet, oversees a staff of 1,499 and was paid €351,816 last year. He is also provided with a residence, in lieu of a residential allowance, but his salary is subject to EU tax, pension, medical and accident insurance deductions.

...The Bank of Canada’s governor, Mr David Dodge, whose seven-year term ended on January 31st, was paid on a salary scale with a maximum of 407,900 Canadian dollars (€250,000).

...Mr Hurley ...and seven [out of eight] of his predecessors formerly held the position of secretary general of the Department of Finance... The salary of the governor is therefore influenced by that of the secretary general of the Department of Finance. This was set at €303,000 in September 2007 by the Review Body on Higher Remuneration in the Public Sector; the figure may have been reduced voluntarily by the current incumbent."

Given that Mr Hurley's position has none of the traditional demands of the Central Banks' chiefs across the world - he does not manage national currency, he has no role to play in interest rates and general monetary policy, etc - in terms of economic and financial functions he carries, he is largely a regulatory officer of the ECB. And yet he earns more than his real boss - the head of ECB. Vastly more when the cost of his pension and tax advantages to being located in Ireland are factored in. In fact, Mr Hurley is paid more in real terms than some of those whose names were listed as belonging to the Anglo's 10. This is pretty much all that needs to be said.


Update: In an unrelated (to the above) story, here is another potential affiliate (not quite a member) of the Golden Circle of those who have grown better off on the back of the Celtic Tiger. This time - from the shores of America. See this article in WSJ (here) - hat tip to PMD - on venerable and (for now?) honourable Senator Chris Dodd's dealings in Irish real estate...

Senator Dodd (D, Connecticut), Chairman of the US Senate Committtee on Banking, Housing, and Urban Affairs, is at the centre of the US policymakers efforts to deal with the financial crisis. He has been in the past insturmental in aggresive expansion of the Freddie-Fannie-Ginnie mandates to increase lending to lower income minorities - a move that has been at the heart of the current sub-prime mortgages collapse. Senator Dodd is also a senior member of the US Senate Committe on Foreign Relations and a member of the Subcommittee on European Affairs - a position of power that would require, one presumes, to keep any personal European affairs at arms length and spankingly clean. Adding more to the circus of titles, he is a member of the US Senate Committee on Rules and Administration - an entity responsible for setting rules of ethical conduct and compliance in the Senate.

Now, here are the main points of the story in WSJ:

"The story starts in 1994, when the Senator became one-third owner of a 10-acre estate, then valued at $160,000, on the island of Inishnee on Galway Bay. William Kessinger bought the other two-thirds share in the estate. Edward Downe, Jr., who has been a business partner of Mr. Kessinger, signed the deed as a witness. Senator Dodd and Mr. Downe are long-time friends, and in 1986 they had purchased a condominium together in Washington, D.C.

Mr. Downe is also quite the character. The year before the Galway deal, in 1993, he pleaded guilty to insider trading and securities fraud and in 1994 agreed to pay the SEC $11 million in a civil settlement. The crimes were felonies and in 2001, as President Clinton was getting ready to leave office, Mr. Dodd successfully lobbied the White House for a full pardon for Mr. Downe.

The next year -- according to a transfer document at the Irish land registry... -- Mr. Kessinger sold his two-thirds share to Mr. Dodd for $122,351. The Senator says he actually paid Mr. Kessinger $127,000, which he claims was based on an appraisal at the time. That means, at best, poor Mr. Kessinger earned less than 19% over eight years on the sale of his two-thirds share to Mr. Dodd. But according to Ireland's Central Bank, prices of existing homes in Ireland quadrupled from 1994 to 2004.

In his Senate financial disclosure documents from 2002-2007, Mr. Dodd reported that the Galway home was worth between $100,001 and $250,000. However, Mr. Rennie reports that in 2006 and 2007 the Senator added a footnote that reads: "value based on appraisal at time of purchase."

Mr. Dodd had good reason to add the qualifier. Senate rules call for valuations to be current and anyone who looked into the estimate would immediately spot Mr. Dodd's lowballing. A June 17, 2007 feature in Britain's Sunday Times did just that. "Diary" observed that in Roundstone "a two-bed recently made E680,000 ($918,000) and a cottage is currently on offer for E800,000." Noting Mr. Dodd's estimate of his property -- between E75,000 and E185,000 -- the diarist quipped, "to hell with the stamp duty, and form an orderly queue."

Mr. Dodd is busy these days blaming everyone else for the real-estate bubble and financial meltdown. But he owes his constituents and the Senate an honest accounting of his Galway property over the past 15 years. If its value grew with the rest of the area, he needs to explain why Mr. Kessinger handed it over for a song, why that isn't an unreported gift under Senate rules, and what role Mr. Downe might have played as a middleman.

More broadly, Connecticut voters might want to know why their senior Senator has hung around for years with Mr. Downe, the kind of financial scoundrel Mr. Dodd spends so much time denouncing."

Now, of course, this side of the Atlantic we would like to know - was Senator Dodd, presumably a US resident, liable for tax on his purchase of the land share and how this tax was assessed.

Insanity of our policies

Limbering through crises since the end of 2007 (for its was painfully clear, following the credit markets stalling in July-August 2007, that the near future promises no prospect of continuity of the orgy of credit and debt that we partook in from the beginning of this century) we now have reached that state of nature where the Government is, once again, embarking on an effort to 'do something' about the economy. The latest promise is that of a mini-Budget 2009 by the end of this month.

It reminds one of a famous fable about Albert Einstein's last exam. Upon being told that his final pre-retirement term paper in physics contained the same questions as those posited on the previous year exam, Einstein remarked: "Ah, yes, the questions are the same. The answers, however, have changed".

And so it is with Ireland Inc. The questions, or rather the issues faced by us are painfully the same as we faced before:

• Public spending that is running at ca 38% (current expenditure) ratio to GNP - the same as in the early 1980s;
• Businesses insolvencies and personal bankruptcies rising like an unstoppable tide - too great to see it before it breaks over our heads;
• Financial system that is facing ruin in real terms and a currency that is no longer offering any comfort;
  
• Collapsed taxes (some 25% down y-o-y already and counting) drawn out of a folding economy (having contracted ca 4-5% to date, heading for triple that rate in cumulative terms over 2009-2011);
• Rising tax burdens amidst shrinking economic activity and private sector incomes;
  
• A specter of mass emigration (with net outflows of workers out of Ireland recorded in 2008 already) and double-digit unemployment (expected to reach 14% this year);
• Public sectors war against the rest of society waged to ensure that the privileges - in employment, monopoly power, wages etc - of the few will be protected even at a cost of sacrificing the prosperity of the many;
• Corruption (this time - primarily of legal nature) led by the interest groups that stand close to the center of power;
• Elites, incapable of any new thinking, neurotically running for cover of failed ideologies;
• Academia that is so far removed from reality that its practitioners forget ABCs of their own disciplines (finance and economics) in their desire to embrace the consensus;
• Desperate electorate that, in a Stockholm Syndrome moment of truth, are begging their captors - the State and its leaders - to 'do something', 'anything', 'to present a plan for the future'; and so on.

The issues are, frighteningly, the same - beyond any doubt, despite repeated assurances by the Government to the contrary - we are now in the §980s Redux scenario. But have the answers changed?

Sadly, not. The menu of economic policy potions on offer from the Government and academe is:

• Conviction-driven hikes in direct income and consumption taxation (Priority 1);
• Ideologically motivated (the ideology of public greed) hikes in indirect taxation so desperate in their scope that we are now facing a prospect of a tax on text messages and a clawback of pension deductions (Priority 2);
  
• Ambiguous & vague promises of some current expenditure cuts (Priority 3);
• Empty & often outright senile promises of an NDP stimulus packaged along with a pork train of 'knowledge' economy, 'green' economy and 'social' politics measures (Priority 4).

In other words - continued waste, new waste and taxes is what passes for leadership in Irish political environment: Government and Opposition alike.

Has anyone noticed that having raised VAT in October, we are seeing continued collapse in VAT revenue? Having raised income tax from January on, we are seeing continuous deterioration in the income tax receipts? Having implemented not a single pro-growth policy since the beginning of 2008, we are seeing real costs of living and working in this country remaining stubbornly high and real returns to work depressingly declining?

How long will it take? How many homes will have to be repossessed? How many personal bankruptcies and corporate insolvencies declared? How many of us and our children will have to emigrate out of here before our policy idiocy will lead us to the conclusion that you cannot tax yourself out of a recession?

Some years before his final exam, Einstein remarked that "Insanity is doing the same thing over and over again and expecting different results".

For now our politicians soldier on, with Unions whistling in step, back into the 1980s. Back into the 1980s answers to the 1980s-like problems. Stop cheering them on!

Buffet's Lesson from Ireland

Buffett Can't Find Green in Ireland, says Barron's (here)

"IT'S RARE FOR WARREN BUFFETT to suffer a near-total loss on an investment, but he did so with the purchase of shares of two Irish banks last year.

As he admitted in his annual shareholder letter, Buffett, the CEO of Berkshire Hathaway, invested $244 million in shares of two unnamed Irish banks. "At year-end, we wrote these holdings down to market: $27 million, for an 89% loss. Since then the stocks have declined even further. The tennis crowd would call my mistakes "unforced errors."

What were those two Irish bank stocks? We suspect that one of them is Allied Irish Banks (AIB), whose U.S.-listed shares are down to just $1 from a high of $45 last April...

What might have attracted Buffett to Allied Irish? Assuming he bought the stock, we suspect that he was motivated by the same reasoning that attracted Michael Price, a former mutual-fund star who runs MFP Investments.

At the Ira Sohn investment conference last May, Price recommended Allied Irish Banks, then trading around $41. Price said the stock looked cheap because it held a valuable stake in Buffalo-based M&T Bank (MTB). Excluding the M&T stake and another investment, Allied Irish was trading for just five times annual profits, Price asserted.

One reason we think that Buffett bought Allied Irish Banks is that Berkshire is the second-largest holder of M&T Bank at 6.7 million shares, behind Allied Irish Banks at 26.7 million shares. Buffett may have known about the Allied Irish holding in M&T, a bank that Buffett has praised in the past..."

Buffett's losses were small for Berkshire, but they are material for Ireland Inc.

Berkshire's mistake in buying into AIB had nothing to do with M&T share, which fell by only a third, as opposed to a 90%+ loss on AIB and BofI ("The other Irish bank whose shares were purchased by Berkshire could have been Bank of Ireland" says Barron's).

The real mistake was to buy into the banks run by the likes of Eugene Sheehy - a man who just last summer had a nerve to raise AIB's dividend in a clear case of mad macho bravado. And of course, his mistake was to buy into Ireland Inc regulatory circus - ran by a gang of financially inept political appointees of a regime that itself had one economic policy for all problems: throw more money at its cronies.

Now that Mr Buffett has learned his lesson, he will share it with the rest of the investment world. Who would bother putting any institutional money into this economy ever again? And who would bother buying Irish Government bonds backed by a claim on economy that is built on AIB-BofI-Anglo-IL&P-Nationwide & Co sand and issues bonds to keep this sand from liquefying under our feet?

Another Day of Carnage

Just pictures...
And this is the day of rates cuts: ECB down 50bps (should have been down 75-100bps, but hey, when was the last time Germans had any guts for serious actions?) and BofE down to 0.5%... If anyone needed a proof that the markets are not treating Irish banks shares as a part of the broader world, preferring instead to price them as sick puppies, here it is:
So is the next stop for this train of sorrow 'Nationalization II: Bank of Ireland'?

Some housekeeping: a handful of updates

A cleaning up of some of my emails provided for a digest of interesting updates on the topics already covered in other posts. Here is an attempt to combine these...

To the QNHS (here) and Live Register data (here):

Per Davy note: "The worst affected areas [of unemployment] are building and those service sectors related to construction and the global financial crisis. Construction employment slid 7.6% quarter-on-quarter, followed by hotels and restaurants (- 3.2%), retail/wholesale (-2.3%) and financial/business services (-1.9%). No pain-sharing is evident in the data: private sector employment dropped 97,400 over the last 12 months while public employment increased by 10,000."

Last night I was a guest on a Late Debate (RTE Radio 1) alongside a SIPTU rep who was clearly traveling in some parallel reality claiming that:

• public sector took all the pain of adjustment to-date;
• those on higher incomes took no pain to date; and
• layoffs in public sector would be equivalent to layoffs in private sector.

Per point 1 - Davy note says it all, but an update on Exchequer results below also highlights the same.
Per point 2 - October Budget 2009 and its update, November Finance Bill II, both imposed progressively increasing Income Tax Levy on higher earners.
Per point 3 - two facts: (1) wage to value added ratio in Public Sectors (average) is ca 30% lower than in the Private Sector and some 1/3 lower than in the Financial and Business Services, and (2) wage to value added ratio in majority of public sector categories is close to or less than 1, so cutting 1 person out of the public sector would cost economy nothing (for ratio of 1) or would save economy some resources (for ratio is <1).
One caveat - of course, within Public Sector there are people who are highly contributive to the economy. For example: both IDA & Enterprise Ireland are aggregated into the above averages. These agencies have been significant contributors to the economic welfare in this country. Similarly, within each category, there is little understanding as to the variance of wage/ productivity ratios. E.g, do higher salaries in our flagship Universities relative to the second-tier third level institutions correspond to the productivity differentials? Knowing internal operations of Trinity, not exactly, but fairly closely. Thus, raising taxes in a 'proportionate' way as the Unions insist will hurt disproportionately more those who earn higher wages because of their higher productivity, even in the public sector.
Per Unions' 'Alternative Universe' - I got a general sense that our Unionists simply do not understand that in all instances, public sector workers depend for their wages on private sector earnings. Somehow, the Bearded Men of SIPTU/ICTU/CPSU/TGWU and the rest of the alphabet soup do not get the concept of who pays for what in this economy.

Per Exchequer Returns, February 2009 (here): there is significant evidence of deep wage cuts in private sector as income tax revenue continued to slide in January and February, despite the introduction of the income tax levy. In addition, current (non-capital) spending was up 3% y-o-y in February 2009. 2009 current spending is now on track to reach over 38% of Irish GNP - matching the record high achieved in 1983. Pure waste!

Financials and Other Stocks: as Davy puts it in a recent note: at the end of February 2009, the entire Irish Financial Sector accounted for only 3.5% of the Irish Stock Exchange capitalization as compared to 37.5% a year ago. This is diversification through attrition. The ISEQ dropped 10.3% in February - its sixth successive monthly decline. This was "the worst February performance in its 25-year history. It underperformed the FTSE Eurofirst 300 index, which also experienced its worst February performance, by 0.6%." A picture is worth a 1,000 words (all courtesy of Davy):
The last chart of course shows that Ireland is a absolute under-performer in its peer group. Davy do not analyse earnings in this context, but the above valuations are hardly making the shares cheaper. Earnings declines are now precipitous for all companies and my suspicion is that P/E ratios are falling. In other words, there is a question to be asked if there are any bargains out there given the earnings projections?Lastly, Davy provide a good snapshot of the bond markets dynamics in the chart reproduced above. Spot the odd-one-out? Note the timing of our departure to the Club Med of Near-Insolvent States - bang on coincident with Mr Lenihan's Budget... This should be a warning to everyone who is desperate for this Government to do something about the crisis: doing 'something', as opposed to doing the right thing, will make matters worse. Clearly, the markets are not seeing higher taxes and a lack of spending cuts (Budget 2009) as 'doing the right thing'.

Mansergh Calls for 'Celtic Tiger' Fat Cubs to pay their share in the downturn: Mr Mansergh - Bertie's pet in the Dail and a Junior Minister in the Cabinet - called yesterday for the tax measures in the mini-budget to focus on making sure that those who benefited most during the Celtic Tiger era pay more in taxes. Great idea from the Grand Weasel of Irish Politics. How about we start with Mr Mansergh himself - a person whose ministerial salary is out of touch with reality, and whose pension benefits are so lavish, that some bankers would envy the returns on so few years of such a non-demanding work as that of a Junior Minister for State with responsibility for the Arts. Mansergh serves in the cabinet which, with exception of 3-5 Ministers, is remarkable for its inability to do its job at a basic level. Yet the cabinet is being paid more than its counterparts in the US, UK, EU15 or indeed anywhere else in the developed/ democratic world. So, be my guest, Mr Mansergh - pony up, say 50% of your own income - you and your colleagues and their senior public service underlings are the Fat Celtic Tiger Cubs.

Trade and Unemployment Stats

Trade meltdown
Our latest trade situation is dire (here).

Although “Seasonally adjusted imports fell by 11% in December relative to November
2008 and exports fell by 4%,” in monthly terms things were much worse: “Relative to October 2008, imports fell by 1% in November 2008 while exports fell by 4%.”

So the overall dynamic is that exports are now collapsing at a faster rate than the deterioration in imports.

The reason is simple – imports started to suffer on the back of a much deeper contraction in the economy and this process was exacerbated by the Government-induced pillaging of personal disposable incomes since July 2008 announcement concerning the upcoming Budget 2009 - the first time Messrs Cowen and Lenihan have dipped deeper into our pockets. Exports lagged this process because our main buyers were more resilient to the global economic downturn than we are, because their Governments largely were not so insane as to raise taxes amidst a recession, and because Ireland-based multinationals engaged in a massive exercise to rationalize their taxes – booking more transfer pricing (thus supporting both imports and exports) via Ireland Inc. The chart - taken from CSO's release - shows exactly this timing and trade balance dynamics...Evidence? “The January-November figures for 2008 when compared with those of 2007 show that: Exports decreased from €83,062m to €79,873m (-4%)” with
• Computer equipment exports decreased by 27% (exactly offsetting a 26% decrease in imports in this category, implying very aggressive transfer pricing by the likes of Dell and others),
• Organic chemicals by 10%,
• Vegetables and fruit by 42%,
• Industrial Machinery by 15% and Metalliferous ores by 21%.
• Chemical materials increased by 35%,
• Medical and pharmaceutical products by 12% (imports in this category were up 18%),
• Professional, scientific and controlling apparatus by 30% and
• Petroleum products by 41%.

There is little evidence in the aggregate numbers that Irish exporting companies are suffering from the Sterling devaluation: shipments of goods to Great Britain fell by 5%, while shipments to Switzerland decreased by 22%, the Netherlands by 16%, Germany by 10%, and the Philippines by 49%. Dollar devaluation is not biting either with shipments to the US up by 2%, although most of this is probably due to transfer pricing.

Despite stronger Euro, imports of goods from Great Britain decreased by 7%, China by 18%, the United States by 6%, Japan by 28%, South Korea by 39% and within the Eurozone – from France by 13%, and Germany by 15%. Goods imports from Denmark increased by 50%, the Netherlands by 6%, Poland by 65%, Russia by 73% and Finland by 33%.

Yieeeks!

Unemployment - the bust is getting bustier...
Per QNHS data, also released today (here):

Q4 2008 there were 86,900 or 4.1% fewer people working in Ireland – “the largest annual decrease in employment since the labour force survey was first undertaken in 1975. This compares with an annual decrease in employment of 1.2% in the previous quarter and growth of 3.2% in the year to the fourth quarter of 2007.” Desperate stuff…

The overall employment rate among persons aged 15-64 fell to 65.8% from 69.0% in Q4 2007 with current employment rate running at the level of H1 2004, effectively implying that the last 4.5 years worth of growth have gone up in smoke within a span of less than 1 year.

There were 170,600 persons unemployed in Q4 2008 - an increase of 69,600 (+68.9%) in the year. The total number of persons in the labour force in the fourth quarter of 2008 was 2,222,700 – a decrease of 17,200 or 0.8% over the year. “This is the first annual decline in the size of the labour force since 1989,” says CSO. It is safe to assume that these figures do not include an outflow of foreign and domestic workers from Ireland. Overall, jobs destruction is thus much deeper than the QNHS figures imply.

All age groups showed an increase in unemployment with those aged 25-44 showing the largest increase (+33,500). The latter effect is, of course, due to the idiotic labour laws that imply that for any company it is virtually impossible to lay off older workers. This, in turn, leads to a situation where the productivity of individual workers becomes irrelevant to the decision to lay them off or to keep them on a payroll. The long-term unemployment rate was 1.8% compared to a rate of 1.2% in Q4 2007. The standardized unemployment rate was 7.7% in Q4 2008, up from 6.4% in Q3.

Conclusion:
In a normal democracy, the Government would probably fall on figures like these, but whichever way you spin the figures – Mary Coughlan being the Minister in charge of both Trade and Employment should find some final remnants of grace and tender her resignation.


As a side note, consider figure below:
Per CSO: “There were an estimated 476,100 non-Irish nationals aged 15 years and over in the State in the fourth quarter of 2008. Of these 349,300 were in the labour force, a decrease of 5,400 in the year to Q4 2008. An increase of 49,700 had been recorded in the year to Q4 2007. According to ILO criteria, 316,000 non-Irish nationals were in employment, a decrease of 18,700 over the year. A further 33,300 were unemployed, an increase of 13,300 in the year to Q4 2008. Nationals of the EU accession states showed a decline in employment of 16,800 and an increase in unemployment of 7,500 over the year. The unemployment rate for non-Irish nationals was 9.5% compared with an unemployment rate of 7.3% for Irish nationals.

In the fourth quarter of 2008 non-Irish nationals accounted for over 15% of all persons aged 15 and over in employment. Over 34% of workers in Hotels and restaurants, 18.8% in Other production industries and 16.7% in Wholesale and retail trade sectors were non-Irish nationals. The largest decreases in employment for non-Irish nationals occurred in the Construction (-10,100), Hotels and restaurants (-7,400) and Wholesale and retail trade (-5,100) sectors.” Now, detailed tables in the release show that in fact virtually no foreigners were employed in the public sector (ex health and education) per chart below.

Foreign nationals employment, 1,000s.So the total decline in foreing workers in mployment numbers of 86,900 was fully accounted, per CSO Table A1 as becoming either Unemployed (69,600), or out of the Labour Force (17,200), while 48,500 were Economically Inactive. Any idea how many actually left our shores?

State of our Democracy

For those of you who missed my today's musings on Irish Democracy in The Irish Daily Mail, here is an unedited text of the article:

We live in time of unprecedented crisis of confidence. Last week, carnage in the financial markets saw Irish shares sliding deeper into the red. Yesterday, for a brief period of time, our Government bonds were trading at the levels indicative of the markets pricing in a 22-25% probability of the state default on the loans – a level that would, in any functional democracy, see the Government facing a vote of no confidence. And yet, the circus of the private sector scandals alternating with policy debacles continues to repeat itself with a frightening regularity, undermining further international opinion of Ireland as a robust economy and a transparent democratic state.

The reason for Ireland’s declining status amongst our peers is that by any measure, be it a measure of ethical and legal compliance in our financial sector or the benchmarks of transparency in governance, we are lingering at the lower end of the developed world league. Yesterday’s events surrounding the Joint Oireachtas Committee on Economic Regulatory Affairs illustrate the point.

The Committee, set up by what in theory should be the most powerful legislative and policy entity in the country – the Dail – was exposed as largely toothless grouping of elected representatives. If the fact that the Committee has no powers to punish or prevent any wrongdoing by corporate and regulatory bodies operating in this country was not enough of an affront to public accountability, the fact that it has no capability to compel private individuals and public representatives to appear in front of the nation’s legislators certainly does the trick.

At the core of this is the refusal by former Anglo-Irish Bank chief Sean Fitzpatrick to appear before the Joint Oireachtas Committee. But, before him, the same Committee heard an equally loud ‘No’ in response to an invitation to testify from Ernst&Young, Anglo’s auditors, the former Financial Regulator and the former FAS chairman.

Despite being perfectly legal under the current system, Mr Fitzpatrick’s refusal to answer legislators’ questions concerning the alleged wrong doings at the now state-owned Anglo-Irish Bank is morally, ethically and economically disastrous for Ireland.

Here is why.

From the moral perspective, Anglo-Irish Bank was taken over by the state at the expense to the taxpayers on the back of the managerial and strategic errors and alleged dubious practices. Mr Fitzpatrick was the Chairman in charge of this institution at the time of its failure. Mr Fitzpatrick – as both a Chairman and a private citizen – was also a party to several questionable transactions that allegedly precipitated the collapse of the Bank. Taxpayers are owed full disclosure of the events that led to the Anglo-Irish nationalization and Mr Fitzpatrick, alongside a number of public officials from the Financial Regulator and the Central Bank, must face open and transparent public questioning by the Dail. Of course, legally, the rights of all questioned should be respected, but compelling them to appear in front of the Joint Oireachtas Committee does not imperil such protection.

From the ethical point of view, the democratic process must grant full respect and complete investigative powers to the Parliament. This simply means that the power of compulsion extended to the Courts must be matched by the similar powers available to the Parliament and its Committees. This is more than a theory – it is an act of establishing practical checks and balances to safeguard the interest of the people against the interest of the narrow groups and state institutions. In a functional democracy, Parliament must act as a guardian of the society, while courts must guard the rights of individuals. We are, clearly, getting that simple formula wrong, with our judiciary pontificating about social conditions in individual judgements and our Parliament incapable of even gathering investigative information.

This Parliamentary investigative function has been imperilled many times before, including in recent months by the former Financial Regulator Patrick Neary and former FAS chairman Rody Molloy, who was forced to attend only by the wave of popular outrage over the FAS mis-spending of taxpayers’ funds. Mr Fitzpatrick’s move this week simply adds to this list of public figures who are allowed by law to ignore this country’s main democratic institution. Then again, what is there to be said about individuals, when the Government itself is unwilling to disclose due diligence information on banks rescue to the Oireachtas?

Lastly, robust and effective markets require robust and effective compliance with the letter and the democratic spirit of the law. Thus, existence of Irish economy itself is predicated on our ability to investigate suspected wrongdoings, publicly disclose relevant information and identify and punish those who breach the law. The investigative work of the Joint Oireachtas Committee is at the heart of this process. Moreover, it is central to the issues of how transparent and open our market makers (top corporate brass, regulators, politicians and others at the helm of Ireland Inc) are. Once again, Dail’s inability to compel Mr Fitzpatrick to testify in front of elected legislators on the issues relating to the Anglo-Irish Bank’s nationalization is nothing less than a public admission of the fact that the Irish economy and society are not meeting the high standards of transparency that are required of the mature economies today.

Last week, before Mr Fitzpatrick’s latest decision, one international investor, previously an active buyer of Irish shares, has told me that his fund is no longer willing to hold any shares in what he termed a ‘cosy cartel that is Ireland Inc’. The reason for such drastic re-assessment of the fund position was that his managers found it hard to believe the corporate and regulatory culture of Ireland in the environment where the Government refuses to openly discuss the issues of due diligence in the cases of state investments in the banks, the regulators who fail their basic functions are getting off with a golden handshake payoffs, and corporate leaders cannot be called to public account.

Sadly, the events surrounding the Joint Oireachtas Committee on Economic Regulatory Affairs this week are proving him right.

Yet, the pathetically inadequate power of the Joint Oireachtas Committee uncovers democratic deficit in our legislative and policy-making systems that is hardly new to anyone living in this country. For over two decades now, a group of unelected and unaccountable public and private sector representatives has presided over economic and social policies in this country. The name of this club is the Social Partnership. Its modus operandi was and remains clandestine negotiations carried out behind the closed doors with the Government acting as a go-for boy to this Big Brother. Its remit over the society was and remains huge – with powers to set wages, promotion and hiring policies, taxes and public spending and investment priorities. To all of this, our elected Parliament is an external observer with no power to change the course of the Partnership agreements.

In effect, Ireland has long ago ceased to be a properly functioning democracy, where policies are set by the Parliament of the people for the people. This week events at the Joint Oireachtas Committee remind the entire world that our legislators can not question our public and corporate leaders even when their decisions and actions expose the Irish taxpayers to potential financial ruin. This is, by all means, an apt conclusion to the corporatist state saga of the Social Partnership – a neutered Parliament, a toothless democracy and a dysfunctional market short on international confidence.

Thanks, Sean, for showing us the true state of this State.

The end of the road?

Prepare for carnage once the markets open tomorrow. Per latest RTE report (here), Irish Life & Permanent admitted that it provided 'exceptional support' to Anglo Irish Bank following the taxpayers-paid-for Government [banks] Guarantee Scheme.

According to IL&P at the times of 'unprecedented turmoil' there was 'an acceptance that financial institutions would seek to provide each other with appropriate support where possible'. It is claimed that the transactions were fully and appropriately accounted for in the books and in regular reports to the Financial Regulator.

Anyone still surprised that the global markets are treating Irish equities as some sort of the corporate governance lepers? Any surprise that some institutional investors are no longer willing to hold any shares in the cozy cartel of 'supporters' that is Ireland Inc?

Here are some questions that must be asked immediately and with a view of taking up resolute corrective measures should any wrongdoing be uncovered:

1. Can these actions by IL&P be interpreted as a deliberate manipulation of the market? Corporate deposits are the components of bank's balance sheet that support share price valuations. Interbank loans - a normal procedure - are not. If deposits were made to provide 'support' to the Anglo, without an immediate publication of these deposits and their underlying causes to the markets, did IL&P and Anglo collude to alter the bank's balance sheet without revelation of this price-sensitive information?
2. Did IL&P deposits undermine own balance sheet and were they properly cleared through the risk-assessment process? Was IL&P shareholder value safeguarded in the process of making this gesture of camaraderie?
3. If IL&P did disclose such deposits to the Financial Regulator, why these deposits were allowed to proceed and why this information was not made public immediately? If the FR knew about the covert nature of deposits, were they de facto a party to concealment of a price-sensitive information?
4. We are all aware of the rumors that both the Guarantee Scheme and the Anglo's nationalization were carried out due to some critical events involving the Anglo and (in the case of the Guarantee) some other banks. Withdrawals of corporate deposits on a massive scale were rumored in late September and December 2008. Why is the Government unwilling to disclose the nature, the extent and the timing of these problems? After all, the Government is (largely rightly, I believe) using taxpayers money to shore up our financial system, committing tens of billions of our own and our children's funds to underpin the Guarantee, the nationalization and the bailouts.
   
5. At an even deeper level: has there been an implicit (hear-no-evil, see-no-evil) or explicit (via refusal by the Government to admit the nature and extent of the triggers for emergency measures) collusion between the Government and the banking sector to sweep under the rug the problems of governance and management at some of our financial institutions?

Not a single revelation about the mis-conduct events associated with the Anglo has been made public by the Government in a voluntary fashion. Not a single piece of information concerning the due diligence process in re-capitalisation decisions by the State has been made public by the Government. In light of this it is legitimate to ask questions of the Government as to the nature of the silence that shrowds the taxpayers' bailout of the banaking sector.

Over recent days there has been a lot of talk in the international finance circles about the skeletons hidden in the closets of Irish banks. Reputational capital of Ireland Inc is no longer running thin - it is, by now, about as hole-ridden as a slice of Swiss cheese!

Functioning markets require compliance with the letter and the spirit of law. The law requires that all price-sensitive information relating to the publicly listed companies should be disclosed in a timely and appropriate manner. The IL&P-Anglo case suggests that, potentially:

1. The law that supports functioning markets might have been severely breached; and
2. Public safeguards that were entrusted to enforce this market-supporting law might have comprehensively failed.

If this is the case, it is time for heads to roll. Now! Starting at the top of the Financial Regulator's office and right through to the companies involved.

And as per re-capitalization scheme, any injection of public money must be preceded by a comprehensive independent (internationally-administered) review of the banks' balance sheets and books, prior to any State-financed repairs can be made.