Showing posts with label wages. Show all posts
Showing posts with label wages. Show all posts

Saturday, October 7, 2017

6/10/17: Life-Cycle Wages and Trends: September US Wage Inflation in Perspective


Last month, I wrote an editorial for @MarketWatch on the declining fortunes of the American wage earners. And this week, the BLS released new data on wage growth in the U.S. economy. The new numbers are 'shiny'.

Per headlines reported in the media, the BLS reported that the annual increase in Average Weekly Earnings was an impressive 2.9%, which is:
  • Well above the 2.5% rate of growth expected in prior estimates, 
  • Well above the 2.5% reported last month, and
  • The highest since the financial crisis
This is a great print. Except, it really is not all that exciting, when one reaches below the surface.

Take the following summary of recent growth rates (H/T @BySamRo): 



September 2017 wage increases are still below 2008-2009 averages for all wage earners, except for low-wage industries. The gains 'break out' drivers are in high-wage industries, where growth has risen 20% compared to much of the 2016-present trend. Overall, growth rate is well below 2008-2009 average of 3.4%.

To see how much more poor the current 'spectacular' print is compared to the past trends, look at longer time series:


Low-wage industries wages inflation is running close to pre-crisis average, since roughly the start of 2017. Good news. High and meddle-wage industries wages inflation is running below the pre-crisis average still. We have had roughly 8 years in the current trends, meaning that a large cohort of current workers have entered the workforce with little past gains in wages under their belt. This means a very brutal and simple arithmetic: many workers in today's economy have never experienced the gains of pre-crisis magnitudes. Wage increases are cumulative or compound in nature. Wage increases slowdown is also cumulative or compound in nature. Hence, workers who entered the workforce from around 2004 onwards have had shallower cumulative gains in wages than workers that preceded them. Guess what else do the former workers have that differentiates them from the latter? Why, yes: 1) higher student debt; 2) higher rent costs; 3) greater risk- and age-adjusted health insurance costs, and so on. In other words, for the later cohorts of workers currently in the workforce, lower wages increases came at a time of rampant increases in non-discretionary spending costs hikes.

To say that today's BLS wage inflation print is great news is to ignore these simple facts of economics: to restore wages to pre-crisis trends - the trends that would allow for the return of the Millennial generation to pre-crisis expectations (or to the cross-generational income and wealth growth patterns of previous decades), we need wages growth rates at 5-percent-plus not in one or two or three months, but in years ahead.  The 2.9% one month blip in data is not the great news. It might be a good news piece, but it is hardly impressive or convincing.

And that figure of 5%-plus hides yet another iceberg, big enough to sink the Titanic: given that the Millennials are carrying huge debts and are delaying household formation in record numbers, 5%-plus wage inflation will also hit them hard through higher interest rates and higher cost of debt carry.

This puts your average news headline relating to 2.9% annual increase in wages September figure into a correct, life-cycle perspective.

Friday, April 21, 2017

21/4/17: Any evidence that immigrants are undermining welfare of the natives?


Given current debates surrounding the impact of migrant labour on native (and previously arriving migrants) wages, jobs security, career prospects and other major motivations behind a wide range of migration regimes reforms proposed across a number of countries, including the U.S., it is worth revisiting research done by Giovanni Peri of University of California, Davis, USA, and IZA, Germany back in 2014.

Titled “Do immigrant workers depress the wages of native workers?” and published by IZA World of Labor 2014: 42 in May 2014, https://wol.iza.org/articles/do-immigrant-workers-depress-the-wages-of-native-workers/long, the paper reviews 27 original studies published between 1982 and 2013, covering the topic of immigration impact on wages of the natives. Chart below summarises:


In the above, the “values report the effects of a 1 percentage point increase in the share of immigrants in a labor market (whether a city, state, country, or a skill group within one of these areas) on the average wage of native workers in the same market.

For example, an estimated effect of 0.1 means that a 1 percentage point increase in immigrants in a labor market raises the average wage paid to native workers in that labor market by 0.1 percentage point. These studies used a variety of reduced-form estimation and structural estimation methods; all the estimates were converted into the elasticity described here.”

Here’s the summary of Peri’s findings and conclusions:



Thursday, December 10, 2015

10/12/15: R v G and all the Pikettian Theory Malarky


You know the Pikettian Thesis that if return on capital exceeds in the long run economic growth, then capital income appreciation relative to wages income growth will lead to rising wealth inequality. Except, err...

Source: @MaxCRoser 

Which says, really, that since the start of the 20th century, wages income of the richest 1% became more important in the determination of their full income, whilst entrepreneurial income remained roughly the same, and capital income shrunk. R > G and all that malarky...

Tuesday, February 18, 2014

18/2/2014: Wages and Employment: Irish labour market plight


This is an unedited version of my Sunday Times column from February 9, 2014.


In recent months, Irish Government has gone into an overdrive, producing various reports, scorecards and papers on the Irish economy. Much of this activity is a welcome sign that various Departments are starting at last to engage with the world beyond the halls of civil service and political establishment.

The most recent report card on the Irish economy, courtesy of the Department of Finance, presents an interesting read. The document provides an insight into Official Ireland's view of the future, with forecasts covering 2015-2018 medium-term priorities for the Government, including: managing public finances, focusing on jobs, and restructuring the financial system.

To those of us inhabiting the real economy, removed from the MNCs and Government finances, of key importance here are the objectives of "reviving domestic demand" and "increasing employment". The Department’s overarching framework for achieving economic growth in the economy rests on the assumption that over 2014-2016, both total domestic demand (sum of public and private consumption of goods and services and investment) and exports will be positive contributors to growth. In fact, domestic demand is forecast to add, on average, 1.2 percentage points to economic growth annually, accounting for more than half of the GDP expansion in 2014 and 2015 and over 40 percent of growth in 2016.

The Department of Finance vision of the future is a positive one, especially for the financially battered Irish households. Alas, it also reflects some potential contradictions – a sign of the overall dilemma inherent in our economy’s structure. For all the talk about recovery and regaining of our economic independence, Ireland is still facing years of dealing with the debt crisis as well as sustained fiscal austerity. Growing out of this predicament can only be achieved by pushing up exports. But this, in turn, requires moderation in production costs and, thus, suppression of domestic demand. As the 1990s showed, you can’t have both, growth in exports and growth in the domestic economy, until we erase the debt overhang.


By definition, increases in domestic demand can only come from either public or households' consumption and investment uplifts or both.

Growth in Government spending on both current and capital goods and services is not on the cards. In 2014 and 2015 Irish fiscal tightening will continue to reduce domestic demand. In particular, fiscal consolidation, as planned, will take 1.8 percent of GDP in 2014 and 1.1 percent of GDP in 2015. Thereafter, we are still set to face the so-called 'preventative arm' of the EU’s Stability and Growth Pact (SGP). Under the 2011 Six-Pack legislation amending the SGP, a number of fiscal rules will apply to Ireland, including the requirement to continue reducing structural imbalances by at least 0.5 of GDP per annum, plus the debt break mechanism designed to draw debt to GDP ratio down toward 60 percent benchmark over time.

Which means the households are expected to fund the fiscal adjustments in 2014-2015, and fiscal maintenance in 2016 and beyond. All while delevaraging own debts and paying for the banks deleveraging their loan books, without dipping into deposits which will have to remain high to sustain core banking sector performance metrics.

Meanwhile, the Department of Finance forecasts that Ireland's unit labour costs adjustments over 2008-2015 will total 21 percent, relative to the Eurozone average. This projection, turn, underwrites the forecast growth in our exports.

Just how the households of Ireland can be expected to deliver on all of this is anyone's guess. An even bigger guess is required to explain as to how all of the above financial pressures on Irish households can be dealt with while increasing private investment and consumption, e.g. growing domestic demand.


The answer to the above questions rests with the outlook for the labour markets and wages.

In 2013, Irish economy seen the return of growth in employment - the only significant bright spark on otherwise bleak economic horizon. Based on the latest data we have, in 12 months through September 2013, numbers in employment rose in all sectors in Ireland, with exception of Transport and storage, Administrative and support services, Public administration, and Health and social work. Non-agricultural employment rose by 33,000 and the bulk of new employment was generated in the jobs with 35 and higher average weekly paid hours. In fact, in Q3 2013 compared to Q3 2012, the number of people in employment more than 35 hours per week rose 52,500.

This means that employment growth is now beginning to support domestic demand growth.

The problem is that this support is coming off extremely low levels. Between 2008 and 2013, number of jobs with weekly work hours in excess of 35 hours has fallen 242,500. And gains in employment so far are still fragile. At current rates of growth, it will take us some 13 years to get back to the same levels of full-time employment. Of all sectors, only three are currently registering larger number of jobs than in 2007-2008 period: Accommodation and food, Information and communication, and Health.

And the latest Live Register figures released this week show that controlling for State Training Programmes participation, declines in the numbers on the Live Register remained rather static over the last 4 months.

With employment rising off low levels the other source for growth in domestic demand can be found in earnings. And, aptly, in recent months, there has been resurgence in political chatter about the need to raise wages.

In part, these calls are driven by wages dynamics during the crisis. As of the end of September 2013, average weekly earnings in Ireland were down across all sectors by EUR16.40 compared to the same period in 2012 and down EUR31.37 compared to 2008 average. However, earnings were up significantly in Information and communication: rising EUR40.28 per week on Q3 2012 and up EUR64.28 on 2008 levels. This is a sector with employment that is predominantly capturing foreign workers into new jobs. In turn, these workers have only tenuous connection to the domestic economy: they rarely invest in Ireland, do not save here and are more likely to spend money abroad than the long-term residents. In almost all sectors of the economy linked more directly to Irish resident workforce, earnings are still declining.

So employment might be growing, but wages are declining or stagnant. Which does not bode well for household incomes and, in return, for domestic demand growth story.

More importantly, earnings deflation or stagnation must continue if the Government projections for exports growth were to materialise.

The maths are further stacked up against the theory of domestic demand growth fuelled by wages rises. Given changes to taxes over recent years, a euro increase in wages from current levels for an average household will yield less than 50 cents in the gains in the disposable income. When juxtaposed against the non-discretionary spending, such as funding mortgages, this means that wages increases are not exactly an efficient path to growing domestic demand. Based on Central Bank data, average mortgage in arrears today is EUR190,372. Per CSO, average household income is around EUR61,000pa, once we adjust for unemployment. Which means that at current tax rates, a 1.5 percent increase in income (corresponding to average weekly earnings rising by EUR10.13 on their Q3 2013 levels) is not enough to offset a 0.25 percent rise in mortgage interest.

This week, we have seen the publication of the research paper showing that some 100,000 households in Ireland are unable to pay their mortgages despite having regular income from employment. That is roughly 63 percent of all mortgages in arrears.

Put simply, from economy’s point of view, it is more effective to raise and extend mortgages interest relief than attempt fuelling wages inflation. With ECB’s policy firmly geared toward lower rates, one might be excused thinking that interest rates increases are for now a distant prospect, but in 2013, house loans rates for outstanding mortgages in Ireland went up 0.1 percent compared to the same period in 2012, while rates of outstanding consumer loans were up 0.34 percent. Overall, these increases, suggest that just to keep up with the cost of funding our immense household debt overhang, households need to see wages increases of some 2.2-2.4 percent per annum. Unless you work in ICT, this is not on the books, given supply-demand imbalances in skills and jobs in this economy.

Which leaves us with only one sector where realities of supply and demand have little to do with pay and employment and where wages increases can be imposed by the state: the public sector. This is precisely where pressures to raise wages are currently emerging, driven by political, not economic considerations. With local and European elections approaching, Labour wing of the current Government is trying desperately to force the reversal of their slide in electoral approval ratings. Labour's traditional support base - the Unions - are happy to oblige, in return for concessions of value to their members.

The problem with this, however, is that in order to keep labour costs competitive on the aggregate, wages hikes in the public sector will require more wages ‘moderation’ somewhere else in the economy. Furthermore, with fiscal policy breaks still in the hands of the EU, increases in the lower skilled wages in public sector are likely to benefit incumbent employees at the expense of the newcomers. And if productivity growth in private sectors does not compensate for labour cost increases in public sector, we will be heading for new layoffs, slower jobs creation and, thus, contracting domestic demand.


Our economy is between a rock and a hard place. We are living through the slowly unfolding nightmare of the exports-led recovery – a recovery during which households’ earnings and employment growth are unlikely to reignite domestic economy any time soon. The only way this dilemma of wages vs exports can be resolved is if it is accompanied by a rapid reduction in household debt. But, of course, you won’t find that featuring anywhere in the Official Ireland glossy presentations or in Labour Party’s exhortations about the need for wages growth.



Box-out:
This week, Irish Spirits Association published the latest statistics on our whiskey sector. According to the association data, Ireland had only 4 registered distillers delivering gross value added to the economy of EUR568 million for all spirits produced. This compares against 108 distillers of whiskey alone, pumping out value added of ca EUR3,630 million in Scotland. Total exports in Ireland stood at 6.2 million cases per annum. Scotch exports were fifteen times that number. The figures highlight both a massive potential for Irish whiskey growth and a huge gap between our sector output and that of our next-door neighbours. Looking at the Scottish model, it is clear that Ireland’s decades-old policy of industrialising production in the whiskey sector has failed spectacularly. We need a new policy approach focusing on stimulating independent distilleries, catering to higher value-added premium segment of the market, and delivering rapid innovation with focus on high quality. Marketing efforts of our trade facilitation agencies are not enough.

Thursday, June 20, 2013

20/6/2013: Heroes of our times and earnings...

Latest data on (annual) earnings, to highlight the vast gains in Irish 'competitiveness'

And the heroic folks who earned a 4.2% (second highest) earnings premium are... well... see below:


http://www.cso.ie/en/media/csoie/releasespublications/documents/earnings/2012/earnlabcosts2012.pdf has more on the same...

Monday, May 13, 2013

13/5/2013: Work Hours, Education Years and Wages


A fascinating fact: "An average person born in the United States in the second half of the 19th century completed 7 years of schooling and spent 58 hours a week working in the market. In contrast, an average person born at the end of the 20th century completed 14 years of schooling and spent 40 hours a week working. In the span of 100 years, completed years of schooling doubled and working hours decreased by 30%."

Restuccia, Diego and Vandenbroucke, Guillaume ask "What explains these trends?"

Their paper (link below) quantitatively assessed "the contribution of exogenous variations in productivity (wage) and life expectancy in accounting for the secular trends in educational attainment and hours of work."

And the result? "We find that the observed increase in wages and life expectancy accounts for 80% of the increase in years of schooling and 88% of the reduction in hours of work. Rising wages alone account for 75% of the increase in schooling and almost all the decrease in hours in the model, whereas rising life expectancy alone accounts for 25% of the increase in schooling and almost none of the decrease in hours of work."

Restuccia, Diego and Vandenbroucke, Guillaume, A Century of Human Capital and Hours (July 2013). Economic Inquiry, Vol. 51, Issue 3, pp. 1849-1866, 2013. http://ssrn.com/abstract=2261571

Aside 1: note that higher wages (when aligned with higher productivity) imply higher human capital intensity and lower hours of wrok supplied.

Aside 2: there seem to be no control for the reporting of hours supplied. In mid-19th century and even in first half of 20th century, most of work performed was time-sheeted. Today, majority of us do not have time cards, so on the surface, our contracts say 40 hours per week, in reality this means 60 hours per week.

Monday, April 15, 2013

15/4/2013: Bonus Culture: A model of social efficiencies in the presence of bonuses


The global financial crisis has exposed the absurd effects of short-termism when it comes to bonuses on long-term sustainability and efficiency of enterprises. However, the idea that bonuses can be effective in creating a compensation wedge over relatively standardised salary scales to reward performance and/or human capital (on the supply side of labour) and to provide competitive advantage to firms in attracting human capital (on the demand side of labour) is not necessarily out of touch with reality in many other sectors and occupations. Still, some worrying lessons that we should learn about the distortions introduced by bonuses from the crisis do apply to other sectors as well.

An interesting paper, albeit purely theoretical, titled "Bonus Culture: Competitive Pay, Screening, and Multitasking" by Roland Bénabou and Jean Tirole (NBER Working Paper No. 18936, April 2013) looked at "the impact of labor market competition and skill-biased technical change on the structure of compensation."

The authors found that "Competition for the most talented workers leads to an escalating reliance on performance pay and other high-powered incentives, thereby shifting effort away from less easily contractible tasks such as long-term investments, risk management and within-firm cooperation. Under perfect competition, the resulting efficiency loss can be larger than that imposed by a single firm or principal, who distorts incentives downward in order to extract rents. More generally, as declining market frictions lead employers to compete more aggressively, the monopsonistic under-incentivization of low-skill agents first decreases, then gives way to a growing over-incentivization of high-skill ones. Aggregate welfare is thus hill-shaped with respect to the competitiveness of the labor market, while inequality tends to rise monotonically. Bonus caps and income taxes can help restore balance in agents' incentives and behavior, but may generate their own set of distortions."

Furthermore, "The extent to which [such a correction via bonus caps and income taxes] is achievable depends on how well the government or regulator is able to distinguish the incentive versus fixed parts of compensation packages, as well as on the distortions that may arise as firms try to blur that line or resort to even less efficient screening devices."


One issue with the study is that the model does not allow for heterogeneity between agents and between various sectors of economy. The authors acknowledge this much by stating that "…task unobservability may be less of a concern for some (e.g., private-equity partnerships) and more for others (large banks), but if they compete for talent the high-powered incentives efficiently offered in the former may spread to the latter, and do damage there. Heterogeneity also raises the question of the self-selection of agents into professions and their matching with firms or sectors, e.g., between finance and science or engineering."

Other shortcoming, also mentioned by the authors in their 'what can be done next' discussion is that in some  "settings in which high-skill workers become more valuable as firms compete harder for customers, for instance because the latter become more sensitive to quality."

Saturday, May 9, 2009

An interesting chart: destruction of wealth

Here is an interesting set of charts I came across in doing some work recently. All are for the US and all showing some very disturbing long run trends:

First chart: US CPITwo things are worth noticing here:
  1. The absolutely scary rate of inflation since the end of WWII through today, and
  2. The absolutely scary length of deflationary periods.
It is worth focusing in a bit more depth on the second point (the first one being obvious to all).

In general, there were 3 periods of persistent deflation since 1774. These are plotted in the chart below.
Guess what - all three lasted more than 14 years before bottoming out and two managed to last 29 and 32 years. Scary stuff, if you believe deflation is bad.
Now, consider the real cost of unskilled labour over time. Chart below plots the time series since 1774, showing that starting with the late stages of the Great Depression on through roughly early 1970s the real (CPI-deflated) cost of unskilled labour was rising at an unprecedented rate. This cost peaked in the early 1980s and fell into the early 1990s. Ironically, as President Clinton battled the harbinger of the 'Giant Sucking Sound from the South' - Ross Perot - in US Presidential elections, the unskilled labourers of America were about to get a boost in their wages. The cost of unskilled labour has risen since 1994 through 2003 - just as the US economy was evolving skills-intensive sectors (IT and finance) and expanding trade with Mexico. Irony has it - the period of active low-skilled jobs creation of 2003-2007 (construction boom) saw real wages of the same fall!

Looking at the raw (nominal) cost of unskilled labour, there is a clear pattern of correlation between the wages of the lowest earners and the CPI. Chart below illustrates. Again, really dramatic stuff is the rate of rise in the nominal cost of labour that takes place from the late 1960s through today.
Scatter plot below shows the same in more detail. There are 2 clear periods in the US history in the relationship between inflation and unskilled labourers real wages. The first period - 1774 through roughly 1969/1970 is the period of a positive relationship, with real wages rising at a faster rate than CPI. Of course, this is the age of industrial might of the US. Post 1970, the relationship is that of a gently declining real unskilled wages relative to CPI.
What about other measures of purchasing power? Taking the value of the standardized consumer bundle of goods, chart below plots the dollar cost of purchasing such a basket alongside the CPI. There is a close relationship between the two series, but in general, the value of consumer bundle underlies the CPI. Convergence of the two series is achieved in 1967-1972, to be broken down following the oil shocks of the 1970s, and then again since 2004.

The following chart highlights long-term trends in the co-movements between the cost of unskilled labour and the cost of the consumption bundle. As with real unskilled labour wages vs CPI, there are broadly speaking two distinct periods in the relationship between the wages and consumption costs. In the period prior to 1970 increases in wages outpaced the rise in the cost of consumer basket. Since 1970, however, the relationship reversed, with wages rising, while the cost of consumer basket falling.Hence, overall, although real wages have declined in the recent years, the average consumption basket cost has declined faster than the unskilled labour costs. This implies that while wage disparity between the skilled and unskilled labourers (the driver of the CPI) might have risen, the unskilled labourers are still better off today than ever before, thanks to the WalMart effect of driving down the cost of the average consumption bundle.

The chart below plots the awesome power of value destruction in the US dollar purchasing power.

These charts present an interesting evolution of the US economy, from my point of view. They also suggest that:
  1. The current deflationary period might last much longer than many of us, including myself, anticipate, although there is an added component to the above equation - the role of the exchange rates. Should dollar appreciate from its currently relatively low levels, the international dimension of the US deflation will be erased.
  2. The inflationary trend - measured either as a function of CPI, or a function of PPP, is unlikely to reverse from its long-run upward trend.