Showing posts with label Irish Nationwide. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Irish Nationwide. Show all posts

Wednesday, May 12, 2010

Economics 12/05/2010: Irish Nationwide - an expensive delay

I have gone through the Irish Nationwide balance sheet, as summarized in the table below (all values are in millions of euro):
All scenarios are explained above and all assumptions are in there as well.

So the conclusions are:
  • If we continue injecting cash into INBS, the total cost of winding down the bank will be the loss of all cash already put into it, plus the expected post-Nama injection of ca €1,148 million. The grand total bill for shutting INBS via Minister Lenihan's preferred option will be €7,234 million;
  • Shutting down INBS back in 2009 would have cost between €2,030 million and €3,078 million, were the Government to listen to people like Peter Mathews, Brian Lucey, Karl Whelan and myself. The bond holders (senior ones) would have been paid 50 cents on the euro.
  • Shutting it down now, without going Nama route will cost €1,575-2,659 million, plus the money we already dumped into it to date, i.e €2,700 million. Which is still cheaper than what Minister Lenihan's plan would deliver.
Either way, the DofF and Minister Lenihan really must come clean on the issue of bondholders at this stage. How much more can this economy carry on throwing good money after bad?

Sunday, June 14, 2009

Economics 15/06/2009: policies for growth

For those of you who missed my Sunday Times article, here it is in an unedited version (scroll below).

Here is a link to my Friday's quote in WSJ editorial.


Our Government keeps droning on about Ireland not having a toxic derivatives problem in the banks… Hmmm… unless you count the banks themselves as derivative instruments. Take a look at our loan-to-deposit ratios (LDRs):

AIB: 153% at end-June 2008; 140% in March 2009;
BOI: 174% in September 2007, 157% March 2008, September 2008: at 160.3%,
ILP: 245% in November 2008, 277.4% in September 2008.
Anglo: 124.2% in September 2008
Nationwide: 154% in April 2009 down from 170% in 2007

Now, according to a UBS survey of bank balance sheets of September 2008, Ireland's average loan-to-deposit ratio was 163.1%.

US average: 51% LDR for pre-1960, rising to 85% between 1960 and 1980; breaching 100% in 1997, then 113% in 2007 at its peak, down to 97% May 2009.

Yes, we don’t need securitized packages of MBS tranches to get ourselves thoroughly poisoned…


On to my Sunday Times article:

Over the last two weeks, just as Brian Cowen was exulting over the prospects for Ireland’s return to economic growth thanks to his visionary policies, Russian Government, also facing a major economic crisis, unveiled a new set of economic programmes aimed at getting the state back on track. The package included a tough realistic Budget for 2009-2010, some tax breaks, a commitment to fiscal conservativism, an ambitious set of policies directed at reducing public sector waste, corruption and improving management practices, measures aimed at stimulating private sector investment and demand, and significant new initiatives in R&D and business and technology innovation.

To-date, Irish government sole responses to the crisis have been to raise taxes on businesses, consumers and income earners, and to cut capital investment. All to preserve excessively high level of current public expenditure. Moscow’s response was to cut wasteful spending, lower some business and personal tax rates and rationalise new investment programmes to focus on future growth priorities.

Hence, an ordinary working person in Ireland is now facing an effective tax rate of over 22% - up from 19% a year ago. Her counterpart in Russia is facing a flat rate income tax of 13%, the same as in 2008. An average Irish self-employed person is looking at surrendering over 32% of her income in income tax, up from 29% a year ago. Russian self-employed workers enjoy a new 6% income tax, down from 13%. In terms of incentives, it is clear that Irish Government’s priority is to skin the small entrepreneurs, while the Russians are taking an approach of encouraging individual risk-taking in business.

While Ireland is facing a double-digit fiscal deficit, our current expenditure continues to rise unchecked since July 2008 Government promise to get it under control. The Government is yet to produce a single forecast that actually projects a decrease in current expenditure at any time between now and 2013. This unambiguously signals that Irish leadership envisions fiscal policies adjustments to be fully financed out of increasing tax burden on the ordinary households and businesses.

In contrast, Moscow is cutting spending outside priority areas and temporarily shifting funding from longer-term investment projects. In effect, the Russians retain ring-fenced commitments to invest significant funds in new technologies and SMEs – areas earmarked for future growth, but the Government is borrowing short-term some of the already allocated funds to finance more immediate crisis-related spending.

For example, a year ago, Russian state allocated some €2.3bn for investment in nanotechnologies to cover its programmes over the period of 2009-2015. Last week, the Government wrote Rusnano – semi-state investment company in charge of the funding – an IOU for almost €500mln of these funds, temporarily withdrawing cash without sacrificing any of its investment programmes.

This reveals a more sustainable funding model for state investment in Russia that is based on pre-funding and ring-fencing long-term investment, than the one we have in Ireland, where current revenue is used to finance public investment irrespective of the length of investment horizon.

Other measures enacted by the Russian government in combating this crisis, such as export credits supports, aid to SMEs and state financing of some enterprises (either via equity stake purchases or preferential loans) would fit well in our own policy arsenal, were we more prudent with our expenditures in the years of economic boom. In just 7 years between 2002 and 2008, Russian fiscal authorities built a war chest of funds to sustain necessary public spending and investment. Even after almost a year of financing growing primary imbalances, Russian reserves currently stand at approximately 21% of 2008 GDP. Ireland’s NPRF never exceeded 12% of Ireland’s 2008 GDP – hardly an impressive record of state ‘savings’ over 17 years of robust growth.

History aside, Russian experience shows that forward policy planning and fiscally conservative approach to current spending are the necessary ingredients in dealing with a crisis. Which brings us to the scope for long-range reforms that present a feasible alternative to the present Government plans.

First and foremost, long-term changes are required in our taxation. This much is admitted even by our policy cheerleaders in the Department of Finance and the ESRI. However, to date, there is no indication that the taxation commission is guided in its decisions by the future growth considerations, rather than by the immediate objective of raising new tax revenue.

If Ireland were to seriously pursue high value-added growth development model, our taxation policy has to be altered dramatically. The burden of financing the Exchequer spending, currently disproportionately falling on the shoulders of the above-average income earners (majority of whom represent the same knowledge economy we are trying to expand) must be shifted away from personal income to less mobile physical capital. This will incentivise investments in education, labour productivity-enhancing R&D, training and other forms of human capital, and reduce the wage-costs pressures on companies that operate in the knowledge-intensive sectors. One of the means for delivering such a change would be to levy a significant tax on land offset by reductions in the upper marginal income tax rate.

Another aspect of the tax reform that can stimulate creation of sustainable long-term economic activity in Ireland is an idea of dramatically reducing self-employment and proprietary income tax in line with the Russian experience. Self-employed individuals assume all the risk of running their own business without gaining any of the tax benefits that accrue to corporations. Lowering personal income tax on self-employment to a flat rate of, say, one half of the effective rate of tax applying to an employee earning €60,000 pa (currently standing at 32%) will go a long way in encouraging shift from unemployment into small entrepreneurship.

A different issue is now resting in the hands of yet another Government commission. Current public sector pay, financing systems, and managerial and work practices are simply out of line with the rest of our economy. Across all sectors of Ireland Inc, public sectors sport the lowest value added per unit of labour inputs. Ditto for comparing Irish public sectors productivity against other small open economies within the OECD. Yet, the cost of financing these services is accelerating even during the current downturn, just as the sector overall output is falling. This is hardly news: since the mid 1990s, the range of services and products supplied by the state has been narrowing, yet the staff levels, especially at the top of the pay scale, remuneration costs and non-pay benefits grew.

Reforms must address this exceptionally poor performance, as well as restore pay and benefits to reflect low levels of productivity and value-added delivered by the public sectors.

However, even more important for the long-term growth is to enact systematic principle of separating service provider from the payee. In effect, Irish public sectors are quasi-regulated near-monopolies in their respective industries. Modern services in a small economy cannot function efficiently if the State employees responsible for these services provision are also responsible for pricing and rationing access to the services, regulating services supply and restricting external competition. Irish public sectors price inflation shows conclusively the overall lack of efficiency in our public services provision (see chart).
The Government should elect to provide payment for public access to services, without any prejudice in the choice of service provider. Thus, for example, in health, once standards for quality and safety are adhered to, any approved and properly regulated provider should be allowed to supply medical services to patients. The Exchequer should ensure that those without sufficient income are given state funds to access necessary services. But the Government should exit the business of actually supplying medical services.

Such reforms promise delivering on several key objectives. Experience in other countries, where services provision and access were effectively separated in the 1990s shows that existent service providers do engage in cost-reducing competition, thereby drawing down the cost to the Exchequer. Second, the range and quality of services supplied are improved. Third, granted critical access to the market, new enterprises and thus new employment grow, with some supporting export of such traditionally domestic-only services abroad. Fourth, services consumers do welcome greater choice of service providers and better quality of services. Separation of service provider and payee is a basic concept of organizing modern public services that is yet to dawn on our allegedly highly enlightened politicians and civil servants.

After some 11 months since the current Government has first acknowledged the existence of the economic and financial crises, it is both surprising and disheartening to observe continued lack of policy responses from our leadership. Yet now is not the time to sit on our hands and wait for the US and global economy upturn to rescue Ireland Inc. Instead, it is time we start putting in place few policies that can underpin the recovery in the short run, but can provide support for future long-term growth as well. Tax reforms and public sector revamp certainly top the priorities list.

Saturday, April 18, 2009

Daily Economics 18/04/09: Nationwide fall(bail)out

Nationwide - systemic importance?
In today's Irish Times (here), Mr Cowen makes a ludicrous assertion that Irish Nationwide - or as we can call it - Irish Nationvile. How, Mr Cowen? Care to explain?

Irish Nationvile is not a systemically important organization. It is a mutually-owned closed shop (officially) or Fingleton's fiefdom (unofficially) that has done much good to this economy in the past as a safe-house for dodgy directors loans from the Anglo, a default bank for the most speculative developers, and an exemplary case study for corporate mis-governance. By its size, it is roughly equivalent to 10% of the property loans held by the two laregst banks, or just 6.4% of the property-related loans of our 6-banks system. It has virtually no productive net assets outside property sector so should the society go under, the economy of Ireland will hardly notice if, say, €8-10bn in performing loans were to be bought at a discount by the likes of HSBC or Barclays or Ulster Bank or NIB or whoever steps to the plate. Even BofI and AIB might want to step in and pick up depositors and good lending assets from the ruin.

But letting Nationvile sink - publicly and swiftly - will send two important signals to the international markets and to domestic voters. The first one will be to tell the world that Irish Exchequer is starting to manage its downside risk - throwing Nationwide out of the umbrella of state bailouts will make the case for judging Irish Government banks policies as being informed by economic efficiency rationale, not political expediency that Mr Cowen is so skilled in. The second one will be to tell the voters that there is at least some bound to the recklessness with which the Government is willing to use taxpayers hard earned cash to help its own cronies.

So, in my view, let it sink. Now!


ESB - another systemically important waster?
The Royal Bank of Scotland is toning down its flash headquarters to bring the building down to the early realities of the crisis. Many banks and large companies (including some Irish) are turning away from the posh offices they were planning to move to, but not ESB. The state monopoly that has milked its customers for years (and still does) with the second highest cost of electricity in Europe is planning to 'renovate' its (admittedly ugly) headquarters in Dublin as a package of 'stimulus' economics. To create jobs, so to speak. This amazing fact did not trace across Irish official media (Irish Times and RTE) reporting on the arrogant, in-your-face monopoly's last week's announcement.

Thursday, April 16, 2009

Time to dump some bad risk? and ESB's rip-off 'investments'

EXCLUSIVE: Is it time to let Nationwide sink?
Here is an opportunity to show the financial world that we are serious about cleaning up the mess. It is also a good opportunity to show the world that we understand, as a country, that finance is about controlling the downside as much as exploiting the upside - in other words, that risky trades must be closed off. Nationwide is one of the riskiest plays in town - so the Government should let the stronger ones - including international banks - bid for the pieces. In other words, the Government should not mix Nationwide in with the systemic banks for nationalization or future re-capitalisations, or indeed NAMA cover.

Here are tomorrow's results from the Nationwide:
  1. Loss after tax €243mln on a loan impairment charge of €464m (2007 pre-tax profit of €309mln), Operating profits €260mln
  2. Total Capital at 10.2%, Core Tier 1 at 7.2% (not spectacular, but on par with other Irish banks - hardly impressive for internationals)
  3. Total assets at €14.43bn - down 10% (unrealistic assessment, given equity and property markets conditions and shut down of land markets - details below)
  4. Loan Book at €10.474bn - down 15% (so lending stalled, the patient is dead)
  5. Customer accounts €6.785bn, so accounts cover 65% of loans - up from 59% cover in 2007 (but at what cost did Nationwide achieve this gain in cover?)
  6. Cost-income ratio at 17% - the lowest among Irish financial institutions (i.e they have no soft-savings left to achieve as a cushion against future losses)
  7. Liquid assets stand at €3.26bn - liquidity ratio of 24% - again, good luck to them if they think they can actually sell the stuff they hold against the loans...
  8. Society reserves are at €1.2bn
"The Society did a very detailed examination of the loan book with the result that the sum allocated for provisions was a very robust figure of €464m for the year under review in line with market expectations... The Society’s loan book decreased in 2008 to €10,474m from €12,332 at the end of 2007. €1,339 of the reduction was attributable to the decline in the value of sterling; the balance was a reduction in capital balances. The commercial loan book now stands at €8,183m with the residential book at €2,291ml. As a result the total assets of the Society were reduced from €16,099m in 2007 to €14,429m in 2008."

So the impairment charge is of 3.22% of the total asset base and 4.43% of the property book. This is laughable. Also, Nationwide claims that as a part of its strategy it was actively reducing its exposure to commercial loans. But this active reduction took out at most only €331mln (16,099-14,429-1,339) in real assets, or ca 4%. This is in the time when property values fell over 20% and equity values are down more than 80%?

"Because of the reserves built up over the years from cumulative profits the Society was able to absorb the impairment provision. The Society still has total reserves of €1.2 Billion to absorb further impairment charges should they arise."

Well, now, suppose real impairment rises to 15% of the property-related loan book on commercial and 5% on residential. You have a need for €1.34bn in cash right there but you have only €1.2bn... and that is in the form of Tier 1 capital...

So are Nationwide's numbers (especially in the area of impairment) a case of exemplary management? Or of reckless 'ostrich' syndrome? You decide, but it does look to me like something is amiss. Here's what.

In 2008, Nationwide repaid some €750mln plus £500mln in debt securities, and in December 2008 it raised £325mln in new term notes maturing September 2010 (note the date?). But the beast still has €2.23bn in debt maturing in 2009 alone and "the Society plans to finance [this] through reduction of its loan book, the securitization of loans as well as the issue of new loans."

Yes, you did hear this right - securitization of loans (presumably Irish buy-to-let properties in the UK and Irish developers toxic waste in Ireland have strong market with ready buyers?). Of course they have no such hope, so in reality the Society is most likely looking for refinancing.

And here comes the confession: "the ability of the Society to raise wholesale funding on a continuing basis depends on the Government Guarantee. The Government intends in line with its previous indication to put a State guarantee in place for the future issuance of debt securities with a maturity of up to five years... The society's ability to remain a going concern and achieve its Business Plan is dependant on the continuation of Government support. As a systematically important institution Irish Nationwide was included in the guarantee Scheme. The Irish Government is committed to ensuring the continued viability and stability of systemically important credit institutions."

So here is Nationwide's survival strategy in a nutshell: "Give us more tax money! Now!"

In the end, Nationvile has €2.23bn of debt maturing this year alone and needs the extension of the Government guarantee to keep itself going. It also has an acute case of denial when it comes to potential losses it faces on its asset base and its loans, so it will need even more tax money to survive. This looks like they've gone to the markets to raise refinancing, but the markets laughed at them, they've gone to the auditors for a life-line on their NAV and they got that extension, so now its up to rich Uncle Taxpayer to rescue a systemically important private estate. Hmmm...


ESB's 'stimulus'
For shortage of time - more analysis of this is to follow, but in the nutshell, ESB announced new plans to 'create' 3,700 jobs through 2013... The Government & Opposition have welcomed the move that will see a notorious state monopoly
  • using consumers' and businesses' cash (remember - it cannot pass cost reductions to its clients because it's out of town subsidiary - CER - doesn't let it)
  • hire more grossly overpaid (remember, ESB runs a unionized closed shop with highest salaries in the entire public sector and work pracices that allow its employees draw full pay even when are asigned for years to plants producing absolutely nothing)
  • to expand its dominance in the market that is so starved of competition, that much of our economy's competitiveness loss can be attributed to the ESB's existence.
This is a farce that passes in this country for industrial, fiscal and economic policies. Instead of breaking up a noxious monopoly, the state will allow ESB to piggy-bank the revenue it gains from ripping off its customers into 'developing new infrastructure such as smart metering and a system to allow for the recharging of electric cars'.

You might also notice that the two investment objectives are a red herring. Smart metering is already widely available and does not require any 'infrastructure' - you can install smart meter at your own home. Electric cars are about as widely spread in Ireland (or indeed anywhere else in the world) as dinosaurs. By 2013, this is unlikely to change.

Lastly, the Government has been calling for increasing ESB's and other state monopolies contributions to the Exchequer to compensate for some of the revenue losses incurred in this crisis. Now, the same Government is welcoming ESB chipping into this contribution. Who will make for the shortfall? Well, the same people who will be paying for those 3,700 new jobs to be 'created' by the ESB - you, me and the rest of taxpayers. ESB claims it can raise funding for the investment in private markets. Maybe so, but it can't raise funding for interest charges on the loans and it can't raise funding for paying lavish salaries to its new employees. At over €80,000 per average ESB job, this 'green investment' will cost the consumers some €300mln per annum in wage costs alone. Now that's what I call 'smart' metering.


WSJ today (here) has an excellent parallel story to the ESB circus.